Chapter One: Emigration to Yathrib
Chapter Two: The Prophet's Major proceedings in Medina
Chapter Three: Conspiracies of the Jews
Chapter Four: Establishment of Muslim Military Forces
Wadi al-Qura is a long valley along with the trade route from Yemen to Damascus. Along this valley, which runs from the north to the south, there were numerous oases surrounded by grass and pastures.1 The caravans made use of them on their trips along this valley. On one of these oases, five hundred kilometers north of Mecca, there was the old city of Yathrib which was later called Madinat al-Rasul (the city of the Messenger) after the Holy Prophet's emigration to it and then al-Madinah (Medina).
The structure and social conditions of Yathrib was quite different from those of Mecca whose people were engaged in agriculture and orchard keeping. There lived in this city three great Jewish tribes of Banu’l-Nadhir, Banu-Qaynuqa’ and Banu-Quray¨ah. The two famous tribes of Aws and Khazraj are originally from the Yemen (i.e. descendants of Qahtan); but after the destruction of the Ma'rib Dam, they migrated from the south to live in Yathrib along with the Jewish inhabitants.
During the years of the Holy Prophet’s promulgation of Islam in Mecca, some events occurred in Yathrib which paved the way for his emigration. These events had made this city the center for the propagation of Islam. Among these events were the following:
The Jews had owned the fertile lands around the city; they had created numerous palm groves, enjoyed wealth and excelled all others economically.2 Once in a while, some quarrels occurred between them and the tribes of Aws and Khazraj. The Jews used to threaten them, saying, “In the near future, there shall come a new prophet whom we will follow and with his help we will root you out, just like the peoples of ‘Ad and Iram.”3
Because the Jews enjoyed a higher cultural status and they were respected by the idolaters, who believed in whatever the Jews would tell them, the issue of prophethood had rooted in the minds of the tribes of Aws and Khazraj.
Since older times, wars and bloodshed took place between the tribes of Aws and Khazraj. The last of these conflicts was the war of Bu’ath. These conflicts had resulted in a lot of casualties and damages on both sides who, because they had suffered greatly, looked forward to ceasefire and compromise. However, there was no impartial person to carry out such a mission. ‘Abdullah Ibn Ubayy, who was not of the elderly chiefs of Khazraj, had announced his impartiality during the battle of Bu’ath and desired for a ceasefire and reconciliation so that he might govern both of them. He had prepared for the coronation ceremonies.4 However, the encounters of Aws and Khazraj with the Holy Prophet in Mecca changed the direction of events dramatically and ‘Abdullah Ibn Ubayy lost his chance.
Through their pilgrimages to Mecca, the people of Yathrib had known about the Holy Prophet's mission since the early years of his open invitations to Islam. Some of them had met him in Mecca and become Muslims; but later on, they had either died or been killed.5 They had never been able to invite anybody into Islam. In the eleventh year of prophethood, the Holy Prophet met six of the elderly chiefs of Khazraj during the season of Hajj and invited them to Islam. They told each other, “Be aware; this is the same prophet predicted by the Jews. Now we should not fall behind them in accepting his religion.” Then, they accepted Islam by telling the Holy Prophet, “We have left our people in the worst form of enmity. We hope that God will make them conciliate through you. Now, we will return to Yathrib and start inviting them to Islam. If they accept this religion, there will be nobody dearer to us than you.”
Upon their return to Yathrib, this group invited people to Islam. Not long after, the name of Islam was heard in every house of Yathrib and the Holy Prophet's name was uttered by everybody.6
By the twelfth year of the prophethood, twelve people of Yathrib swore allegiance to the Holy Prophet at the foot of the ‘Aqabah of Mina7 at the time of Hajj.8 Among this group, ten people were from Khazraj and two others from Aws. This showed that these two groups had set their quarrel aside and showed interest in coming under the banner of Islam. They swore that they would not associate anybody with God, steal, engage themselves in adultery, kill their own children, accuse one another, and they would obey the Holy Prophet in performing good deeds.9
The Holy Prophet promised them heaven as a reward for their keeping this treaty.10 After the Hajj ceremony, they returned to Yathrib and asked the Holy Prophet to appoint a teacher to teach them the Holy Qur'an and the principles of Islam. The Holy Prophet sent Muz’ab ibn ‘Umayr to them.11 Due to his hard work in propagation, a great number of people accepted the Islamic faith. In Mecca, the chiefs opposed Islam; but the youth and the deprived ones accepted it as religion. However, in Yathrib, it was the other way round; the chiefs pioneered to adopt Islam and people naturally followed their suit. This was one of the factors for the spread of Islam in this city.
In the thirteenth year of prophethood and at the Hajj ceremony, a group of seventy-five people, eleven of whom were from Aws and two women, entered Mecca. On the twelfth of Dhu’l-Hijjah, the second treaty of ‘Aqabah was concluded with a lot of precautions. The signers pledged that if the Holy Prophet emigrated to their city, they would protect him like their own relatives and children and fight anybody who would fight against him. For this reason, this treaty came to be called bay’at al-harb (the pledge of war). At the end of this meeting, the signers elected twelve representatives to manage their affairs upon their return to Yathrib.12
Despite all the precautions that the Holy Prophet and the people of Yathrib had taken, Quraysh found out the secrets behind this treaty. Consequently, they endeavored to arrest the treaty signers. Since those who paid homage to the Holy Prophet had left Mecca in time, they could flee to safety except for one who was arrested.
After the departure of the people of Yathrib, Quraysh increased their pressure on Muslims, because they realized that the Holy Prophet had safeguarded a stronghold in Yathrib; they therefore increased their pressures on Muslims. Once again, life in Mecca had become intolerable.13 For this reason, the Holy Prophet ordered Muslims to emigrate to Yathrib, telling them, “Go to Yathrib; God will provide you with brethren and a safe place.”14 For two and a half months, (i.e. from the middle of Dhu’l-Hijjah up to the end of Safar)15 Muslims gradually headed for Yathrib despite all hardships that Quraysh put in their way. Hence, no Muslim remained in Mecca except for the Holy Prophet, Imam ‘Ali, Abu-Bakr and some others. In the history of Islam, those Muslims who emigrated to Yathrib are called muhajirun (Emigrants) and those who helped out the Holy Prophet in Yathrib are called Ansar.
After the settlement in Yathrib of Meccan Muslims, the chiefs of Quraysh realized that Yathrib had turned into a strong shelter for the Holy Prophet and his followers, and that people of Yathrib were ready to fight for their faith. For this reason, they feared the Holy Prophet's emigration. This matter caused the Quraysh to face several problems:
(1) Muslims were no longer under their domination and control, because Yathrib was an independent city and Quraysh had no power there.
(2) Since people of Yathrib had convened a war treaty with the Holy Prophet, he might then start a siege on Mecca for revenge.16
(3) Even without a probable war, Quraysh were still at a loss, because Yathrib was a lucrative market for their merchants and they would face economic disasters through losing control over this city.
(4) Yathrib was on the trade route from Mecca to Damascus and Muslims could easily make this route unsafe and vulnerable; they might also jeopardize trade as a whole.
These worries forced the chiefs of Quraysh to gather at Dar al-Nidwah (the consular center) for further consultation and deliberations. Some proposed that the Holy Prophet be exiled or imprisoned. However, these two proposals were rejected for certain reasons. Finally, they decided to murder him although such an act would not look very simple, because Banu-Hashim would seek revenge. To avoid such expected vengeance, they decided to appoint one young man from every tribe so that they could murder him in his bed. In this way, Banu-Hashim could not rise to avenge because the assassination would have taken place with several men from different tribes; and Banu-Hashim could not fight all these tribes; so, they would have to receive ransom and blood-money and the story would come to an end. To carry out their plot, chiefs of Quraysh selected the first night of Rabi’ al-Awwal. God refers to their conspiracy with the following words:
And when those who disbelieved devised plans against you that they might confine you, slay you, or drive you away; and they devised plans and Allah too had arranged a plan; and Allah is the best of planners. (8:30)
Through Divine revelation, the Holy Prophet knew about the conspiracy of Dar al-Nidwah; he was then ordered by God to leave Mecca. He informed Imam ‘Ali (a.s) about his plan and ordered him to replace him in bed that night and cover himself with his bedspread. Imam ‘Ali (a.s) immediately accepted this mission.
Accompanied by Abu- Bakr, the Holy Prophet headed for Thawr Cave to the south of Mecca that night and stayed there for three days until chiefs of Quraysh despaired of finding him. He wanted to find a safe time to continue his migration. God, in the Holy Qur'an, refers to the Holy Prophet's loneliness and to the worries of his companion. Despite all precautious actions that the chiefs of Quraysh had taken, they could not locate the Holy Prophet:
If you will not aid him, Allah certainly being the second of the two, when they were both in the cave, when he said to his companion: Grieve not, surely Allah is with us, So Allah sent down His tranquility upon him and strengthened him with hosts which you did not see, and made lowest the word of those who disbelieved; and the word of Allah that is the highest; and Allah is Mighty, Wise. (9:40)
That night, Imam ‘Ali (a.s) replaced the Holy Prophet in bed. The armed forces of Quraysh besieged the Holy Prophet's house. In the morning, they drew their swords and entered the house in a rampage, but they found Imam ‘Ali, not the Holy Prophet, in the bed. Realizing that they had been betrayed, they charged against ‘Ali. Drawing his sword, he stood opposite against and refused to tell them where the Holy Prophet was.17
Anybody who would replace the Holy Prophet in bed had little chance to survive. However, ‘Ali, who had replaced the Holy Prophet in bed many times before that event, such as he had done when they were besieged in Abu-Talib Col, in purpose of securing his safety, sacrificed his life to protect the Holy Prophet's. Referring to this bravery and sacrifice of Imam ‘Ali, Almighty God says:
And among men is he who sells himself to seek the pleasure of Allah; and Allah is Affectionate to the servants. (2:207)
Exegetes of the Holy Qur'an agree that this verse was revealed on account of the sacrifice and bravery of ‘Ali at that night, which is called laylat al-mabit.18
Referring to the conspiracy of Quraysh during that dangerous night, Imam ‘Ali, in one of his sermons, describes his mental condition as follows:
The Prophet ordered me to spend that night on his bed (while he would be leaving for Medina) and use my life as a shield for the protection of his life. I accepted it on the spot. I would be glad to die for him. The Prophet left me and I slept on his bed. The Quraysh armed forces entered, hoping to murder him. When they charged at the room where I was staying, I stood up, drew my sword and protected myself. This is the issue of which God is aware and people know.”19
Prior to his departure from Mecca, the Holy Prophet asked Imam ‘Ali to give back people's deposits20 and prepare for the departure of his daughter, Fatimah, and some other men and women from Banu-Hashim, who had not yet departed Mecca.21
On the fourth of Rabi’ al-Awwal (the 14th year after prophethood), the Holy Prophet left Thawr Cave for Yathrib.22 Eight days after that, he arrived at the district of Quba, on the outskirts of Yathrib, where the tribe Banu-’Amr ibn ‘Awf lived.23 He waited there for a few days, waiting for ‘Ali's arrival. During this time, he established a mosque there.24
After the Holy Prophet's migration, ‘Ali (a.s) stayed for three days in Mecca and carried out his obligations and tasks.25 He then accompanied his mother Fatimah bint Asad and Fatimah daughter of the Holy Prophet and Fatimah daughter of al-Zubayr ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib and two others to Quba where they joined the Holy Prophet.26
Upon the arrival of ‘Ali at Quba, the Holy Prophet headed for Yathrib with a group of Banu’l-Najjar (his maternal uncles). On their way, he performed the first Friday Prayer at the resort of Banu-Salim ibn ‘Awf. Upon their arrival at Yathrib, they were passionately welcomed by people. The heads and chiefs of the tribes took the rein of the Holy Prophet's palfrey and begged him to stay with them. He answered, “Let the camel proceed; it has a mission to perform; wherever it sleeps, I will stay.”
By this decision, the Holy Prophet most probably wanted not to give the honor of being the host to any special group so that he could avoid future conflicts. His discretion was similar to one concerning the place of the installation of the Black Stone of the Kaaba.
Finally, the camel came to rest in the district of Banu’l-Najjar, on a piece of land belonging to the two orphans, close to the house of Abu-Ayyub Ansari (Khalid ibn Zayd Khazraji). All people were now crowding around the Holy Prophet; they asked him to give them the honor to be their guest. Abu-Ayyub took the Holy Prophet's baggage to his own home and the Holy Prophet followed. He stayed there until the Masjid al-Nabi (The Prophet’s Mosque) was established and there was a room built next to it for the Holy Prophet to live in.27
The Prophet's migration was the basis of a great change; it was a focal point in the progress of Islam. Due to this historic event, Muslims were free from shackles and they could live freely and run gatherings. This was of utmost significance at that time. If this migration had not occurred, Islam would have been strangled in Mecca and it would have never had any chance to grow. After the migration, Muslims could establish their political and military organization and Islam grew in the Arabian Peninsula.
However, the following two questions require answer: Who established this calendar for the first time? Since when was it put into effect? Muslim historians unanimously agree that this feat was done by ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab after consultation and deliberations with the Holy Prophet's grand companions.28 However, another research indicates that the initiator for this feat was the Holy Prophet himself. Some great Muslim historians have written that the Holy Prophet, after his migration to Yathrib in Rabi’ al-Awwal, ordered that events should be referred in relation to this day.29 The documents for this claim are some of the Holy Prophet's letters, documents and communications which are handed down to us and dated from the above date. There are two samples here:
(1) The Holy Prophet signed a treaty with the Jews of Muqna ending with the following statement: Written by ‘Ali ibn Abi-Talib in the ninth year of Hegira.30
(2) In a treaty with the Christians of Najran, we read the following: The Holy Prophet ordered ‘Ali to write down: This treaty is signed in the fifth year of Hegira.31
Based on some documents, the recording of events and affairs up to the fifth year of Hegira took place on the basis of months alone. Here are some such documents:
Abu-Sa’id Khidri says: Fasting during the month of Ramadhan was enacted as obligatory one month after the change of the kiblah (i.e. the direction faced in prayers) during the eighteenth month of Hegira.32
‘Abdullah Ibn Unays, the commander of the army sent to war against Sufyan ibn Khalid writes: I left Medina on Monday, the fifth of Muharram; the fiftieth month of Hegira.”33
Muhammad ibn Maslamah, recounting the campaign against the tribe of Qurta,34 writes: I left Medina on the tenth of Muharram and returned on the last night of Muharram, the fiftieth month after Hegira, after a leave of nineteen days.”35
For these reasons, the founder of the Hijri calendar was the Holy Prophet;36 and since, in the reign of ‘Umar, there appeared some disagreements on the exact dates of some historical events,37 he formalized this calendar on the sixteenth year of Hegira, and in place of Rabi’ al-Awwal—the month in which the Holy Prophet arrived in Medina—he appointed Muharram as the starting point of the Hijri calendar.38
Having settled in Yathrib,39 the Holy Prophet deemed necessary to construct a mosque in order to provide Muslims with a center for religious education and a place for their congregation at Friday Prayers. For this reason, he purchased the ground on which the camel had sat on his first arrival and which belonged to the two orphans, from their guardian and constructed a mosque with the assistance of Muslims.40 This mosque came to be called Masjid al-Nabi. This was the Holy Prophet's first social act after Hegira. Upon the completion of the mosque, two chambers were erected close to it as a house for the Holy Prophet and his wives.41 Then, he left Abu-Ayyub's home to live in his new chambers42 until his demise.
Upon the migration to Yathrib, the Ansar housed the Muhajirun and prepared their accommodation to the best of their abilities.43 However, the Suffah followers were a group of strangers and poor individuals who were deprived of everything. A shade was established at the end side of the mosque as a temporary resort for them. The Holy Prophet took good care of them so far as he provided them with food and encouraged the rich Ansar to help them. This group who were zealous in their religion, passionate and virtuous Muslims came to be called the Suffah followers.44 Any new comer to Medina would join his relatives; otherwise, he joined the Suffah group. The number of this group varied: those who could find accommodation would leave the group and at times new comers would join them.45
Having settled in Medina, the Holy Prophet worked for guaranteeing better social conditions for its people. In order to envisage and achieve great ultimate goals, he had to have peace and tranquility within the community. Of course, this was hard to achieve because the social structure in Medina was quite heterogeneous. There were different groups of Arabs who belonged to either the tribe of Aws or that of Khazraj. There were also some Jews living in this city who were in touch with those Arabs. There were also new Muslim comers from Mecca. This state of affairs could have ended in social unrest and disasters. For this reason, the Holy Prophet initiated the draft of the first constitution or the greatest historic document in Islam. This contract defined the rights of the citizens of the various groups and secured peace and justice for all citizens. Here, we will mention some items and paragraphs of this great contract:
(1) Muslims and Jews46constitute a single nation (ummah).
(2) Muslims and Jews are free to follow their faith.
(3) The emigrants of Quraysh, like the pre-Islamic days, should pay blood-money. If anyone of them commits homicide or becomes captive, others should pay the ransom in accordance with accepted terms among believers and free the captive in this way.
(4) Banu-’Amr ibn ‘Awf (a tribe of Ansar) and other branches should pay blood-money like others.
(5) Nobody is allowed to give asylum to anybody's slaves, children or other family members without his consent.
(6) The signers of this contract collectively have to defend the city of Medina.
(7) Medina is a sacred city and any kind of bloodshed is forbidden there.
(8) The final judge and arbitrator for the settlement of the probable disagreements and conflicts will be Muhammad (S).47
A cursory look at the events of those days shows that this contract, which was concluded in the earlier months of the Holy Prophet's arrival at Medina,48 was effective in securing tranquility for citizens. Up to the second year of Hegira, i.e. until the Battle of Badr which occurred due to the conspiracies of Banu-Qaynuqa’, no disturbance or turbulence is recorded.
The Prophet's second social act of significance during the first year of Hegira49 was the convention of a brotherly treaty between the Muhajirun and Ansar. Previously, these two Muslim groups had some rivalry over business and racial issues, because Ansar had migrated from the south (Yemen) and were from the Qahtani race, and Muhajirun belonged to the Northern Arabs and to the ‘Adnani race; and during the days of Ignorance, there were severe racial conflicts between the two.
Ansar also used to work in agriculture and gardening, while the Meccan Arabs were traders who considered agriculture lowly and classless affair. Furthermore, these two groups had been brought up in two quite different social settings and now they were considered religious brethren. They had gathered in Medina and the probabilities existed that the remnants of the previous cultures still remained in their souls and minds; and that some ancient obstacles might be renewed. For this reason, the Holy Prophet initiated a brotherly contract between these two groups designating each Muhajir (Meccan emigrant) as a brother for a corresponding Ansar,50 except for ‘Ali who was proclaimed a brother for every Muslim although the Holy Prophet fraternized him with himself.51
Of course, in concluding this brotherly convention between Muhajirun and Ansar, their degrees of faith and virtue were taken into consideration.52 The brotherhood of the Holy Prophet and ‘Ali, both of whom belonged to Muhajirun is justifiable.
This treaty brought forth more unity among Muhajirun and Ansar. This is shown in the financial support of Ansar to Muhajirun.
At the time of the distribution of the booties of the Battle of Banu’l-Nadhir, Ansar gave them all to Muhajirun53. Ansar’s immense generosities caused Muhajirun to thank them in the presence of the Holy Prophet.54 God has appreciated their benevolence in the following words:
It is the poor who fled, those who were driven from their homes and their possessions, seeking grace of Allah and His pleasure, and assisting Allah and His Apostle: These it is that are the truthful.
And those who made their abode in the city and in the faith before them love those who have fled to them, and do not find in their hearts a need of what they are given, and prefer them before themselves though poverty may afflict them, and whoever is preserved from the niggardliness of his soul, these it is that are the successful ones.
Besides a general treaty in which both Aws and Khazraj and other Jews of these two tribes had participated, the Holy Prophet convened separate treaties with the three Jewish tribes of Banu-Qaynuqa’, Banu’l-Nadhir and Banu-Quraydhah. This treaty could be termed a nonaggression pact.
As we have already said, these three tribes lived in Medina and its suburbs.55 In this contract, the signatories were obliged:
(1) Not to cooperate with the enemies of Muslims and not to provide them with horses and weaponry;
(2) Not to take any step against the Holy Prophet and Muslims;
(3) To be punished by the Holy Prophet through killing them or enslaving their children and wives or confiscating their wealth if they ever tried to ignore any article of this contract.
This contract was signed by the heads of the three abovementioned tribes, i.e. Mukhayriq, Huyay ibn Akhtab and Ka’b ibn Asad.56 Apparently, in those days the Jews neither felt any threat from Muslims nor reckoned their impartiality as an asset, since they assumed the Muslims' other enemies would suffice them. That was the reason for their taking the lead in signing the contract.57 Thus, through these proceedings, the environments of Medina and the neighboring districts became calm; and the Holy Prophet was at ease. Now it was the time for him to confront Quraysh’s inevitable threats and to prepare himself for the establishment of a new society.
In addition to the Jews, there was another group of opponents, called munafiqun (hypocrites) by the Holy Qur'an. They were formed after the Holy Prophet's migration to Yathrib. The members of this group called themselves Muslims on the surface, but they were actually either idolaters58 or Jews.59 Having observed Islam's daily increasing popularity and their lacking of power, the hypocrites kept their faces, pretended to be Muslims and entered the rank of Muslims, but behind the curtains, they had some secret affairs with the Jews and conspired against Muslims. Their leader was ‘Abdullah ibn Ubayy who had prepared himself for ascendance to power in Yathrib. However, he was deprived of such leadership due to the Holy Prophet's arrival at the political arena. For this reason, he secretly hated the Holy Prophet.60
The hypocrites performed a series of destructive actions against Islam. In Surahs al-Baqarah (No. 2), Al-’Imran (No. 3), al-Tawbah or Bara'ah (No. 9), al-Nisa' (No. 4), al-Ma'idah (No. 5), al-Anfal (No. 8), al-’Ankabut (No. 29), al-Ahzab (No. 33), al-Fath (No. 48), al-Hadid (No. 57), al-Munafiqun (No. 63), al-Hashr (No. 59) and al-Tahrim (No. 66), the Holy Qur'an has referred to them. It was more difficult for the Holy Prophet to confront this group than the unbelievers or the Jews, because he could not fight them since they pretended to be Muslims. The sabotage and obstruction of this group continued in a systematized way up to the death of ‘Abdullah ibn Ubayy in the ninth year of Hegira.61 Later, this movement lost its vigor gradually.
The Jews, like Christians, were aware of the advent of the Holy Prophet. In the word of the Holy Qur'an, the people of the Book considered the Holy Prophet their own child:
Those whom We have given the Book recognize him as they recognize their sons. (2:146)
They had seen his attributes in the Torah and the Gospel;62 they were therefore expected to become Muslims even earlier than the tribes of Aws and Khazraj, because the Jews had threatened them that they would take revenge on them when the Promised Prophet would come with the Divine Mission. However, only a few of them accepted Islam. At the beginning of Hegira, however, their relationships with Muslims were usual as is concluded from their signing of the nonaggression pact with the Holy Prophet. However, this tranquility did not last long; after a while, they started quarrelling. Among their sabotages was their denial of the Holy Prophet's unique attributes by claiming that they could not find Muhammad's traits and characteristics in their Book and that the attributes of the Promised Prophet could not be identified in the Holy Prophet.63 The Holy Qur'an has condemned this approach:
And when there came to them a Book from Allah verifying that which they have, and for a time they used to pray for victory against those who disbelieve. But when there came to them (prophet) that which they did not recognize, they disbelieved in him; so Allah's curse is on the unbelievers. (2:89)
The Jews engaged in sabotage through different approaches:
(1) They had irrational and illogical demands, such as receiving a letter from the skies.64
(2) They put out complicated religious questions to disturb the Muslims' thoughts and minds.65 However, they always received strong reactions and answers from the Holy Prophet.
(3) They endeavored to weaken the base of the Muslims' faith by saying:
Avow belief in that which has been revealed to those who believe, in the first part of the day, and disbelieve at the end of it, perhaps they go back on their religion. (3:72)
(4) They attempted to bring about division and turbulence among Muslims. Sha's Ibn Qays, a Jew, tried to enliven once again the old hatreds among Aws and Khazraj. However, this act became futile through the proper act of the Holy Prophet.66
The Jews were generally interest-seeking, greedy and stubborn people.67 The Holy Qur'an regards the polytheists and them as the most violent enemies of Islam:
Certainly you will find the most violent of people in enmity for those who believe to be the Jews and those who are polytheists, and you will certainly find the nearest in friendship to those who believe to be those who say: We are Christians; this is because there are priests and monks among them and because they do not behave proudly. (5:82)
This was because these two groups were not rational beings and they did not stop showing their animosities and aggressions against Islam. The Jews opposed Islam for the following reasons:
(1) The Jews treated the Holy Prophet racially; they were jealous because he was Jew; rather an Arab.68
(2) Prior to the influence of Islam in Yathrib, the Jews enjoyed a better socio-economic status because they had had control over the economy of the city through crafts, industry, agriculture,69 and usury.70 At the same time, taking advantage of the differences between Aws and Khazraj, the Jews weakened their powers. Through their contracts with Banu-Qaynuqa’ who belonged to the tribe of Khazraj and through unity with Banu’l-Nadhir and Banu-Quray¨ah who belonged to the tribe of Aws, they could easily created animosity between these two tribes.71 After the Holy Prophet's migration, the two tribes united and went under the banner of Islam thus increasing the power of Islam tremendously. The Jews realized that the dominating power would very soon be in the hands of Muslims and they would inevitably be the big losers. This situation was quite unbearable for them.
(3) The Jewish clerks and rabbis were prestigious; they enjoyed a lot of respect among the illiterate people who blindly followed them without questioning. At times, these clerks and rabbis issued orders contrary to God's. Nevertheless, people followed them without asking.72 Furthermore, they used to receive a lot of gifts and charities as the protectors of the Torah. They therefore feared that they might lose this source of income with the progress of Islam.73
(4) They showed animosity to Archangel Gabriel who brought God's messages to Muhammad (S);74 they used this as an excuse to antagonize the Holy Prophet.
(5) The Holy Qur'an condemned many of the Jews' acts and behaviors and many of the Torah’s instructions75 and disagreed with the Jews in many ordinances.76 This issue had its roots in the past. Prior to Islam, they were culturally superior to the idolaters and they were respected by the unbelievers.77 After the advent of Islam, this trend, more or less, continued; sometimes Muslims in Medina used to ask them some religious questions and they translated the Torah into Arabic for Muslims, while their religious data were mostly skewed and erroneous. For this reason, the Holy Prophet recommended Muslims not to accept their statements.78 Once, the Holy Prophet told ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab, “I swear to God in Whose hands is my soul that if Moses were alive now, he would follow me.”79 These issues added to the Jews' hatred and enmity towards Islam; they sometimes used to say, “This man has planned to disagree with all of our plans.”80
While living in Mecca and sometime after Hegira, the Holy Prophet used to pray facing the direction of Jerusalem. After the Jews surfaced their enmity, they used this issue as a means to oppose him; they said, “Muhammad is not independent in his religion; he uses our kiblah through different techniques.” They over exaggerated this issue. Now, the Holy Prophet was under undue pressure. At nights, he used to stare at the skies, waiting for some revelations so that the Jews’ propaganda could be stopped. Seventeen months after Hegira,81 while he was performing the Noon (²uhr) Prayer with Muslims facing Jerusalem, the Angel of Revelation came to the Holy Prophet and ordered him to change the direction of kiblah towards Kaaba; therefore, he faced the Kaaba at that very prayer. This was God's command:
Indeed, We see the turning of your face to heaven, so We shall surely turn you to a kiblah which you shall like; turn then your face towards the sacred mosque. And wherever you are, turn your face towards it, and those who have been given the Book most surely know that it is the truth from their Lord; and Allah is not at all Heedless of what they do. (2:144)
The change of kiblah, which brought forth independence for Muslims, brought disastrous consequences for the Jews. They looked for another excuse and asked, “Why have Muslims put aside their previous kiblah?” Prior to the change of kiblah, God made the Holy Prophet realize their position; He told him that east or west, everywhere belonged to God and people should face any direction which He orders when they perform their prayers. God told the Holy Prophet that no place on the earth has any innate honor of its own:
The fool will say: what has turned them from their kiblah which they had? Say: The east and the west belong only to Allah; He guides whom He likes to the right path. (2:142)
With this answer, the Jews had no excuse to delve into negative propaganda and with the change of kiblah, the common grounds between the two old and new religions were gone and the relationship between the two weakened:
And even if you bring to those who have been given the Book every sign, they would not follow your kiblah nor can you be a follower of their kiblah; neither are they the followers of each other's kiblah; and if you follow their desires after the knowledge that has come to you, then you shall most surely be among the unjust. (2:145)
What is understood from the Qur'an is to stop the Jews' nagging and to test Muslims as to what degree they are obedient to Allah:
And thus We have made you a medium (just) nation that you may be witnesses over the people and that the Apostle may be a witness over you; and We did not make that which you would have to be the kiblah but that We might distinguish him who follows the Apostle from him who turns back upon his heels, and this was surely hard except for those whom Allah has guided aright; and Allah was not going to make your faith to be fruitless; most surely Allah is Affectionate, Merciful. (2:143)
In some narrations, this test of faith has been interpreted in the following way: Meccan people preferred the Kaaba; but God made Jerusalem the kiblah to distinguish the true and genuine believers who, contrary to their own wishes and only for God's sake, worship Him in this issue from those acting obstinately. For the people of Medina who preferred Jerusalem, God made the Kaaba the Muslims' kiblah so that these two could be identified.82
During his stay in Mecca and propagation of Islam, the Holy Prophet acted only as a Divinely commissioned leader. His activities were restricted to guiding people and struggling against the idolaters. However, after he settled in Yathrib, his function included both religious and political leadership, because the social conditions had drastically changed in Medina and the Holy Prophet was taking great steps in founding a new society based on Islamic instructions. For this reason, he could clearly envisage the probable hardships and obstacles. As a farsighted political figure, he was constantly searching for proper political solutions. His convention of a brotherly treaty between two groups of Muslims; the initiation and completion of a general treaty; and the convening of a nonaggression pact with the Jews—all these were within his precautionary activities.
The Qur'anic texts carrying political and social orders that were revealed in Medina were all appropriate guidelines for the Holy Prophet's proceedings. Then, he was ordered to prepare for war and defense.83 Consequently, he decided to form a defense force. The establishment of such a force was significant because the Meccan unbelievers, who could no longer torture Muslims after the Holy Prophet's Hegira, might probably plot a military strike at the very center of Islam (i.e. Medina).
For this reason, the Holy Prophet planned initial stages for the formation of an Islamic army so as to encounter any such probabilities. This army was initially very limited in human sources and military equipment. However, within a short time, it developed in both aspects. At the beginning of this army’s formation, garrisons dispatched for military operations or surveillance did not exceed sixty; and this number did not exceed two hundred at most.84 In the second year and the Battle of Badr, the number was a little more than three hundred. However, in the eighth year and during the Meccan siege, the number of the Islam's soldiers was nearly ten thousand well-equipped soldiers.
Thus, the trend of events showed that the Holy Prophet's predictions came true. Beginning with the second year, there were numerous conflicts and confrontations between the believers and the unbelievers. If Muslims had lacked the required military forces, they would have been completely wiped out by their enemies.85
With the small number of the armed forces which the Holy Prophet had at his disposal, he prepared for a series of military operations which could not be considered full-fledged wars. In none of these maneuvers did any military confrontation occur. Examples of such expeditions were the following:
The 30-man strong expedition called Hamzah ibn ‘Abd al-Muttalib in the eighth month of Hegira chased the caravan of Quraysh on their return to Mecca.
The 60-man strong expedition called ‘Ubaydah ibn al-Harith in the eighth month of Hegira prosecuted Abu-Sufyan.
The 20-man strong expedition called Sa’d Ibn Abi-Waqqaz in the ninth month of Hegira prosecuted the caravan of Quraysh but did not reach it.86 In the eleventh month of Hegira, the Holy Prophet, accompanied by a group of Muslims, chased the caravan of Quraysh up to the land of Abwa but no confrontation took place. During this expedition, he convened a treaty with the tribe of Banu-®amrah according to which they promised to remain impartial and not to cooperate with the enemies of Islam. In Rabi’ al-Awwal (the twelfth month), the Holy Prophet chased Kurz ibn Jabir al-Fahri, who had plundered a Medinan flock, up to the land of Badr but missed him. In the month of Jumada al-Akhir, the Holy Prophet, accompanied by one hundred and fifty (or two hundred) troops, chased the trade caravan of Quraysh, headed by Abu-Sufyan on his journey to Damascus, but this time, he could not reach the caravan. However, during this time, he convened a treaty with the tribe Banu-Mudlij and returned to Medina.87 These kinds of small military operations could be called military maneuvers and strength show, but not real wars.
According to several documents and pieces of evidence, the Holy Prophet's purpose behind these wars was neither plundering the enemies nor creating wars and conflicts, because, as we have already seen, the number of the Islamic troops was small if compared with the enemies. In some of these wars, Ansar took part although they had promised, in the course of the treaty of the second ‘Aqabah, to protect the Holy Prophet at Medina and not to be involved in wars outside it.
Furthermore, the citizens of Medina were farmers and gardeners; they were not in the habit of plundering as the nomad tribes were. The conflicts between Aws and Khazraj were local conflicts and it was the Jews who ignited the fire of difference between these two tribes. They had never plundered any tribe. Furthermore, when confronted by enemies, Muslims never showed any inclination to war. Hamzah, for example, avoided engaging himself in war when an impartial person acted as an intermediary to stop it.88 Considering all these factors, the Holy Prophet carried out all those military maneuvers for specific objectives. The following were among his aims:
(1) The Holy Prophet aimed at threatening the trade route from Quraysh to Damascus. The Meccan trade caravans used to move between Medina and the shores of the Red Sea as they could not go more than 130 kilometers away from the city.89 Through his maneuvers, the Holy Prophet wished to let Quraysh know that if they wanted to hinder the Muslims' free actions in Medina, their trade routes would be endangered and their goods could be confiscated by Muslims.90 This threat was definitely a warning for the Meccan unbelievers for whom trade was of vital significance. This treaty forced them to review their strategies against Muslims.
No doubt, Muslims were right in confiscating the Meccan goods and properties since they had forced Muhajirun out of their homes in Mecca and had confiscated their belongings.91 It should be noted that the conflicts were not personal anymore; rather, these conflicts had turned into conflicts between two powers each of which did its best to weaken the other. Later on, this threat became real and Quraysh, having been worried about the cutting off of the trade route to Damascus, tried to find another route.
From Muslims' point of view, the economic damage to the enemy and the creation of worry and anxiety to them seemed more significant than the booties they could collect. This could be seen in Muslims' not receiving any wealth from the unbelievers at the expeditions of ‘Abdullah Ibn Jahsh and Badr.
(2) These maneuvers were a show of Muslims' military force and a warning to the Meccan unbelievers not to think of military expeditions against them. It was also aimed at showing the unbelievers that Muslims were strong enough to defend themselves. While the Holy Prophet was in Mecca and the number of Muslims was small, chiefs of Quraysh could easily envisage their economic fall. Now that the city of Medina had turned into a stronghold for Islam, how could the money- minded Meccan people ever feel safe? For this reason, Muslims had to be prompt so that they could discourage the unbelievers from planning anything hostile against this city.
(3) Most probably, these military actions were meant to warn the Jews of Medina as well, who had revealed their enmity, so that they might stop their conspiracies and military operations.92
In the month of Rajab of the second year, the Holy Prophet sent ‘Abdullah Ibn Jahsh and eight others on a reconnaissance mission. The Holy Prophet gave him a sealed letter and asked him to open it after two days of walking and do as he is directed to do and not to force any one of his followers to follow him. Having walked for two days, he opened the letter in which the following was written: “If you read my letter, continue with your journey and stand on the land of Nakhlah between Mecca and Ta’if. There, waylay the movements of Quraysh and inform us of the result.”
‘Abdullah told his followers that he would follow the orders. He also told them that if they were ready to be martyred, they could stay lest they were free to leave him. All of them showed readiness. They therefore stayed at Nakhlah. There was a Quraysh caravan, headed by ‘Amr al-Hadhrami, returning to Mecca from Ta’if. ‘Abdullah and his followers wished to attack the caravan but it was the last day of Rajab. They told each other that if Quraysh entered Mecca, they could not attack them; and if they attacked them there, they would disobey and violate the prohibition of war during the sacred months.
Finally, they attacked the caravan, killing ‘Amr and taking two prisoners. Then, they returned to Medina with the booties and the prisoners. However, the Holy Prophet was angry with them for their act. He even refused to receive the prisoners or the booties, saying, “I had already warned you not to fight during the sacred months.”
This event had drastic consequences; Muslims did not appreciate this bloodshed during the sacred months and reprimanded ‘Abdullah for his action. On the other hand, Quraysh used this event as a pretext to defame the Holy Prophet by accusing him of involvement in bloodshed during the sacred months. The Jews, too, started poisoning the environment by saying that Muslims were losers. At this time, the angel of revelation appeared to the Holy Prophet, conveying the following:
They ask you concerning the sacred month about fighting in it. Say: Fighting in it is a grave matter, and hindering men from Allah's way and denying Him, and hindering men from the sacred mosque and turning its people out of it are still graver with Allah, and persecution is graver than slaughter; and they will not cease fighting with you until they turn you back from your religion, if they can. (2:217)
With the revelation of these holy verses, which implicitly exonerated ‘Abdullah, Quraysh was introduced as the agent of sedition and trouble and their sins were considered greater than the involvement in war and bloodshed during the sacred months. Upon the Quraysh representatives’ request, the Holy Prophet released the prisoners one of whom became Muslim.93
The Battle of Badr
This event, which took place following the Prophet’s military maneuvers and the threat against the Quraysh trade route, was the first complete war between Muslims and the unbelievers. As we have seen, in the month of Jumada al-Akhir, the Holy Prophet chased Quraysh’s caravan—headed by Abu-Sufyan—which was heading towards Damascus up to the land of Dhat al-’Ushayrah but he could not catch them. By sending spies to the district of Damascus, he knew about the caravan's return.94 From an economic point of view, this is said to be one thousand and the worth of the merchandise is estimated as high as fifty-thousand Dinars. All Quraysh people had their shares in this investment.95
The natural route of the caravan crossed the district of Badr.96 In order to confiscate the goods,97 the Holy Prophet had three hundred and thirteen troops.98 With the minimum amount of ammunition,99 he headed for Badr. On his way back from Damascus, Abu-Sufyan became aware of the Holy Prophet's decision and sent a messenger to Mecca asking for help.100 He changed his direction to the shores of the Red Sea and speedily got the caravan out of the danger zone.101 Upon Abu-Sufyan's call, nine hundred and fifty soldiers102 left Mecca towards Medina to help the caravan. Abu-Sufyan's obstinacy led his troops to the battle. While Muslims were looking for the signs of the Quraysh caravan, the Holy Prophet became aware of the caravan's arrival at Badr. They had to decide on the spot. This decision was hard to make because Muslims had time to confiscate the caravan, not to be involved in a war the troops of which were three times more numerous than theirs. If they decided to go back, they would lose the effects of their military maneuvers and the enemy would chase them and attack Medina. So, a military council was held in which the Holy Prophet sought consult of Muslims in general and Ansar in particular. Miqdad's zealous speech and Sa’d ibn ‘Abadah’s enthusiastic encouragements brought forth the decision to fight.103
The war started on the seventeenth of Ramadhan.104 At first, Hamzah, ‘Ubaydah and ‘Ali killed Shaybah, ‘Utbah and Walid Ibn ‘Utbah.105 This was a hard blow over the chiefs of Quraysh.106 Then, war broke out. The troops of Islam overcame and by noon, the battle ended with the defeat and retreat of the enemy troops. Out of the unbelievers’ troops, seventy were killed107 and another seventy were taken as prisoners.108 From the Muslim troops, only fourteen were martyred.109
Then, with the permission of the Holy Prophet, the prisoners were freed upon the payment of ransoms. Prisoners who were moneyless but literate were forced to teach ten Muslim individuals reading and writing to earn their freedom.110 Later, the rest of the prisoners were freed thanks to the Holy Prophet's generosity.111
The Muslims' unprecedented victory broke the Quraysh’s dignity in their first military confrontation. They were completely overwhelmed and taken by surprise. The defeat of Quraysh’s troops was so sudden that when the Holy Prophet's envoy entered Medina to announce victory, Muslims could not believe what they heard and assumed that the envoy was a defeated soldier who had fled the battlefield.112 However, it was not long before the prisoners of war were taken into the city. The aftermath of this victory reached even the king of Abyssinia, al-Najashi, who became extremely delighted; therefore, he summoned the Muslim migrants to tell them the good news.113 The Holy Prophet said:
The Battle of Badr was the first encounter in which God endeared Islam and humiliated the unbelievers.114
On the day of the Battle of Badr, Satan was extremely humiliated.115
The factors which contributed to this outstanding victory could be summed up as follows:
(1) This battle was excellently managed by the Holy Prophet who showed unmatched bravery.116 Remembering this war, Imam ‘Ali said,
When the fire of war was kindled, we would resort to the Holy Prophet; and in those moments, he was the closest to the enemy.117
(2) Imam ‘Ali showed outstanding bravery, killing half of the slain ones.118 Naming thirty-five of the dead ones in Badr, Shaykh al-Mufid writes down:
Narrators unanimously agree that ‘Ali ibn Abi-Talib killed this group except for those whose slayers are not pinpointed.119
(3) In spite of the fact that some Muslims, while leaving Medina, showed reluctance to take part in the war (Qur'an, 8:5-6) and some leading personalities of Muhajirun surfaced their fear and worry at the military councils,120 uttering despairing words, the majority of Muslim warriors showed great strength in their souls and fought bravely.
(4) Divine contributions (Qur’an 3:123) took place in different ways:
a) Raining at the night before the battle helped Muslims in water-supply and hardened the ground on which they could easily move. (Qur’an 3:123)
c) Angels participated in that battle. (Qur’an 8:9)123
d) The hearts of the unbelievers were filled with fear. (Qur’an 8:12)
The victory of the Islamic troops has certain consequences some of which will be dealt with hereinafter:
(1) God has previously promised Muslims victory over the Meccan troops (Qur’an 8:7) and the Holy Prophet informed them about this promise at the end of their military discussions.124 With this victory, Muslims relied more on God's assistance and became stronger in their faith.
(2) Both the hypocrites and the Jews of Medina became upset and humiliated by this victory. When the Holy Prophet's envoy reached Medina to announce the Muslims' victory, the Hypocrites spread the rumor that Muhammad was killed and Muslims were defeated and spread apart.125
The Jews surfaced their hatred.126 Ka’b al-Ashraf, one of the leaders of Jews, said,
“Those who are said to be killed were among the noblemen. If this news is correct, then to die is preferred to living on the earth.127
(3) The tribes living around Medina reckoned this victory as a sign of the truthfulness of Islam and showed inclinations to it. Ya’qubi writes:
“After God granted His Prophet victory in the Battle of Badr and killed many of troops of Quraysh, the Arab tribes showed inclinations to Islam and sent their representatives to the Holy Prophet. Four or five months after the Battle of Badr, the tribe of Rabi’ah, at the district of Dhiqar, fought with Khosrow. They told one another that they should raise the slogan of tihami (Muhammad) in the battlefield. Then, they would utter, O Muhammad, Oh Muhammad. Following this, they won over their enemies.”128
(4) Quraysh realized they had made mistakes in estimating Muhammad's power; they had never imagined that they could be beaten so easily by a group of escapees and farmers! They thus concluded that their trade was endangered and that they could never rely on the Mecca-Damascus trade route which crossed Badr. In a gathering, Safwan ibn Umayyah said:
“Muhammad and his followers have endangered our trade. We do not know what to do with them. They would not abandon the shores as long as the shore-dwellers have united with them. We do not know where to go. Our life subsistence in this city is provided by our summer trip to Damascus and winter trip to Abyssinia. If we are stuck in this city, we have to consume our capital and lose our income and wealth.”
Quraysh, then, decided to make their trade trip to Damascus via Iraq. Safwan headed a caravan towards Damascus through Iraq. His share of the merchandize was three hundred thousand Dinars. When the Holy Prophet knew about this, he sent a one-hundred strong troop under the leadership of Zayd ibn Harithah to confiscate the goods. That was in Jumada al-Akhir, the third year of Hegira. The caravan men fled and the goods were confiscated by the Muslim troops. Moreover, one or two prisoners were taken to Medina.129 This mission is referred to, in books of history,130 as Sariyyat al-Qaradah.131
Banu-Qaynuqa’ was the first Jewish tribe that violated the nonaggression pact. This was because Muslims' victory was bitter for both the Jews and the infidels. After the Battle of Badr and the victory of Muslims, both the Jews and the hypocrites became so furious. The first group that started incurring animosity of Islam was Banu-Qaynuqa’ although the Holy Prophet had warned them against so and advised them to learn a lesson from the defeat of Quraysh and to be Muslims. He told them they had learned about his traits in their Book.132
Their reply was, “Your victory over Quraysh has made you proud. Quraysh were a trade group. If you ever fight us, you will know how real warriors look like!”
Stricken by false pride, they did not take the Holy Prophet's warnings seriously; rather, they continued in aggression. Once, one of these Jews insulted the wife of one of Ansar in the mart of this tribe outside Medina, creating turmoil. The woman called for help and a Muslim killed that intruder. Then, the Jews collectively killed that Muslim. Although two persons were killed, they could have stopped the situation at this point. However, they returned to their castles and readied themselves to attack. The Holy Prophet ordered their castle to be besieged. After fifteen days of siege, the Holy Prophet accepted the intermediation of ‘Abdullah Ibn Ubayy, who had been already an ally of them, and permitted them to leave Medina after submitting their weapons. They migrated to a place called Adhru’at, in Damascus. This event occurred in the month of Shawwal of the second year of Hegira.133
Having been the bravest Jews,134 Banu-Qaynuqa’ used to take pride in their power. They relied on their allies from Khazraj and Banu-’Awf.135 However, Khazraj could not save them from banishment.136 ‘Abadah ibn Samit al-’Awfi gave them up.137 The two Jewish tribes of Banu’l-Nadhir and Banu-Quray¨ah, who were the previous allies of Aws, could not help them either. Sa’d ibn Mu’adh, the chief of Aws, did not have any role in preventing their interferences in this crisis. Thus, the banishment of this tribe from Medina benefited Muslims in the sense that the power of these three tribes was disintegrated. It was also a warning to the other Jews of Medina not to commit the same mistake.
Upon the victory in the Battle of Badr that added to the Muslim’s dignity, another auspicious event took place; it was the marriage of Imam ‘Ali and Fatimah that was held at the Holy Prophet’s house.138 Due to her father’s special charisma and high social status in addition to her own supreme personality, Lady Fatimah had numerous suitors some of whom were wealthy. However, the Holy Prophet would not consent139 saying, “I am waiting for the Divine decision.”140 Then, they provoked ‘Ali who was extremely poor to ask her father to marry her to him. Imam ‘Ali did. Upon consulting with Fatimah, the Holy Prophet informed Imam ‘Ali of her consent.141 He said to his daughter,
“I consent to your marriage with a man who is most advanced in moral aspects and adoption of Islam.”142
Then the Holy Prophet said to Imam ‘Ali,
“There are several men of Quraysh who were offended because I could not agree with any one of them to marry Fatimah, telling them that I was awaiting a Divine decision, because I was certain that nobody deserved being Fatimah’s spouse other than ‘Ali.”143
This marriage, which took place in the simplest ceremony and with the least amount of dowry144 and trousseau,145 is one the most obvious manifestations of the spiritual value of the bond of marriage in Islam.
After the Battle of Badr, Quraysh who had earned a great income through the safe return of their trade caravan prepared themselves to avenge their defeat.146 Having been ensured the cooperation of some tribes, Quraysh left Mecca with ample supplies147 taking a group of women to encourage the soldiers in the battlefield.148 The Holy Prophet, through secret information received from his uncle ‘Abbas at Mecca knew about their plan.149 He discussed the matter with his military consultants as how to confront the enemy. ‘Abdullah ibn Ubayy and some merchants from Ansar, as well as some individuals from Muhajirun such as Hamzah, preferred that the confrontation would take place outside the city borders because they believed that if Muslims remained in town, the enemy would become more daring and would consider it weak point.150
Ultimately, the Holy Prophet accepted the proposal of this brave group of consultants and left the town for Mount Uhud151 with a thousand troops.152 On the way, ‘Abdullah ibn Ubayy returned with his troops of three hundred to Medina defying the Holy Prophet’s plan, because he had accepted the plans of the younger consultants153 and he assumed that no war would take place (Qur’an 3:167).154 The Holy Prophet stationed the troop which had decreased to the number of seven hundred at the outskirts of Mount Uhud, which became behind the Muslims while Mount ‘Aynayn was on the left side.155 Muslim troops faced the west and the enemy faced the east.156
Looking at the battlefield militarily, the Holy Prophet noticed the significance of Mount ‘Aynayn since the enemy might invade the Muslims while the fight was going on; therefore, he appointed an officer called ‘Abdullah ibn Jubayr to defend that location with fifty archers, declaring, “Whether we win or lose, you must stay here to defend us against the enemy’s attack.”157
Abu-Sufyan, too, engaged himself in the adoption of standard-bearers. In those days, the role of standard-bearers was of crucial importance; only the brave ones could carry the standard. The strength and stamina of a standard-bearer was a source of encouragement for the troops. On the other hand, his fall would lead to the soldier’s discouragement. Having selected the standard-bearer from among the tribe of Banu-’Abd al-Dar who were famous for their courage, Abu-Sufyan told them, “we all are sure that you, Banu-’Abd al-Dar are the worthiest of carrying the standards. Keep hold of the standards and make us feel secure in that issue; a troop falls as soon as its standards fall.”158
The war flared up on the fifteenth of Shawwal, the third year of Hegira.159 In a short time, Muslims were victorious and the enemy troops absconded. Their defeat was not due to the great number of casualties, which, according to the most reliable sources, did not exceed fifty;160 rather, it was the fall of nine standard-bearers who had been destroyed by Imam ‘Ali,161 causing damage to their spirituality.162
On various occasions after the Battle of Uhud, Imam ‘Ali used to put stress on this event. In the six-member council which was held after the assassination of ‘Umar ibn al-Khattab to elect the next caliph, Imam ‘Ali referred to this event as a point of honor and the members of that committee could not deny.163
Upon the destruction of the standard-bearers of Quraysh, there was confusion among the enemy’s troops who chose to take flight. Upon their retreat, Muslims started collecting the booty. Most of the archers left their strongholds, assuming that the battle was over. Thus, they did not listen to the warnings of ‘Abdullah ibn Jubayr concerning the Holy Prophet’s orders. (Qur'an, 3:152)
The archers’ mistake and miscalculation had a tremendous effect on the battle, because Khalid ibn al-Walid attacked that position with two hundred troops and killed ‘Abdullah ibn Jubayr with ten others. He then attacked other Muslims from behind. On the other side, ‘Amrah bint ‘Alqamah, together with other women from Quraysh, took up the standards and waved them in the air;164 so, the battle started over again.165 Muslims suffered a great blow this time because there was no coordination between the troops and their commanders. There were secondary factors which contributed to this defeat:
(1) A rumor had it that the Holy Prophet was killed.166
(2) In those days, the two parties of the military conflict did not have a uniform distinguishing them from the other party. At the battlefield, they were recognized only through slogans. The Muslim troops did not recognize one another; they therefore started drawing swords against one another.167 For instance, Husayl ibn Jabir, a Muslim warrior, was killed by his party.168 However, as soon as Muslims became aware of the situation and started uttering slogans, the conditions changed drastically.169
(3) Another factor was the direction of the wind which was blowing from the west, making it hard for Muslims to carry on with the war.170
At any rate, much confusion occurred to the Muslim troops most of whom fled the battlefield or climbed the mountain, leaving the Holy Prophet in the battlefield defending Muslims and asking the escapees to stay firm.171
With his unique perseverance, a Divine call echoed in the sky of Uhud, “There is no sword beyond Dhu’l-Faqar (Imam ‘Ali’s sword) and there is no combatant save ‘Ali.”174
In order to weaken the morale of Muslims, Abu-Sufyan started psychological warfare by uttering the slogan, “Be proud Hubal! Be proud Hubal.” Answering him, the Holy Prophet ordered his men to cry out, “Allah is Greater and more Majestic.” Then Abu-Sufyan said, “We have ‘Uzza and you have none.” The Holy Prophet asked a Muslim to reply, “We have Allah as our Master; and you have none.”175
It is reported that in that battle, seventy Muslims, including Hamzah—the Holy Prophet’s uncle—and Muz’ab ibn ‘Umayr, were martyred.
Although Muslims were defeated176 and the troops of Quraysh were intact, the chiefs of Quraysh who were worried about its consequences177 preferred to leave Medina and go back to Mecca. They were merely happy that they had avenged their previous losses. All this happened with no damage done to either Medina or the Damascus trade route.
In order to demonstrate that Muslims were still firm and invincible, the Holy Prophet chased the enemy to the land of Hamra' al-Asad in order to prevent them from attacking Medina.178
(1) Although Muslims were militarily defeated in this battle, they learned not to disregard the Holy Prophet’s orders. Such disobediences never happened in the following wars.
(2) The hypocrites started all sorts of conspiracies; they rejoiced on the Muslims’ defeat and blamed them.179
(3) The Jews, too, surfaced their hatred, saying, “No prophet has been defeated to this degree!”180
(4) The enemies of Islam around Medina were emboldened to initiate conspiracies. Banu-Asad, for instance, attempted to attack Medina. Other events the most famous of which were known as al-Raji’ and Bi’r Ma’unah took place as a result of the Muslims’ defeat at the Battle of Uhud.
(5) Upon the return of Muslims to Medina, the shadow of grief and despair prevailed over the city. Conspiracies of the hypocrites and the Jews worsened the situation. God removed these signs of despair and strengthened the Muslims’ morale through a revelation of some verses. According to Ibn Ishaq, sixty verses were revealed about the Battle of Uhud.181 God, in these verses, mentions the mysteries behind the Muslims’ failure and warns them not to despair even if they suffer a defeat. God the Almighty adds that the very reason for Muslims’ zeal was their seeking of worldly material. Muslims were victorious in the Battle of Badr, because they fought for the sake of God only. However, in the Battle of Uhud, they were after booties:
And Allah did certainly assist you at Badr when you were weak; be careful of your duty to Allah then, that you may give thanks. (Holy Qur’an 3:123)
And be not infirm, and be not grieving, and you shall have the upper hand if you are believers. (Holy Qur’an 3:134)
If a wound has afflicted you at Uhud, a wound like it has also afflicted the unbelieving people; and We bring these days to men by turns, and that Allah may know those who believe and take witness from among you; and Allah does not love the unjust. (Holy Qur’an 3:140)
Do you think that you will enter the garden while Allah has not yet known those who strive hard from among you, and He has not known the patient. (Holy Qur’an 3:142)
And certainly, you desired death before you met it; so indeed you may have seen it and looked at it. (Holy Qur’an 3:143)
And certainly Allah made good to you His promise, when you slew them by His permission, until when you became weak- hearted and disputed about the affair and disobeyed after He had shown you that which you loved; of you were some who desired this world and of you were some who desired the hereafter; then He turned you away from them that He might try you; and He has certainly pardoned you, and Allah is Gracious to the believers. (Holy Qur’an 3:152)
What! When a misfortune befell you, and you had certainly afflicted the unbelievers with twice as much, you began to say: Whence is this? Say: it is from yourselves; surely, Allah has power over all things. (Holy Qur’an 3:165)
The defeat and failure in the Battle of Uhud damaged the Muslims’ military credentials badly and caused the infidels and hypocrites to indulge in conspiracies against them. Choosing this very time to attack Muslims was due to Muslims’ weak points.182 Here are some examples of their conspiracies:
The Holy Prophet was informed of Banu-Asad’s intention to attack Medina. He dispatched Abu-Salamah with one hundred and fifty troops and ordered them to attack the enemy before they would have any chance. The troops arrived at the place of Banu-Asad with tremendous speed. The tribesmen became overwhelmed and fled the scene. Abu-Salamah returned to Medina with some prisoners and booties.183
This victory boosted the Muslims’ military credentials to some degree. The hypocrites, Jews and the tribes living around Medina realized that Muslims were not truly defeated.
This event was even more disastrous than the event of Raji’. It took place in Safar, the 4th year of Hegira. Abu-Bara', the chief of Banu-’Amir, came to see the Holy Prophet in Medina. Showing no inclination to Islam, he made the proposal that the Holy Prophet would send a group of his followers to Najd to invite people to Islam. The Holy Prophet replied, “I fear that the Najd people might hurt Muslims.” Abu-Bara' said, “I will protect them.” The Holy Prophet, then, dispatched seventy184 of the Qur'an instructors and true companions. Arriving at Bi’r Ma’unah, this group sent a letter to ‘Amir ibn Tufayl, who killed the messenger without even looking at the letter. Then, he asked Banu-’Amir to kill the Holy Prophet’s envoy. They refused to do so thanks to Abu-Bara’s promise of protection. ‘Amir ibn Tufayl, together with some branches of Banu-Sulaym, charged at the Holy Prophet’s envoy who, in return, had to defend themselves and all were martyred except for Ka’b ibn Zayd and ‘Amr ibn Umayyah al-®amari185 who had fallen captive to the enemy and then set free. On his return to Medina, he killed two members of Banu-’Amir, without knowing that they had been on a contract with the Holy Prophet.186
Following the murder of two members of Banu-’Amir,187 the Holy Prophet expressed his condolences and grief. He said, “I have to pay their blood-money.”188 Banu-’Amir sent a letter to the Holy Prophet demanding with blood-money.189 Because Banu-’Amir had a peace treaty with Banu’l-Nadhir, the Holy Prophet, along with some Ansar, went to their castle around Medina in order to ask for help in paying the blood-money. The chiefs of Banu’l-Nadhir superficially agreed to the Holy Prophet’s proposal but secretly had appointed a man to throw a stone on his head to kill him. Through Divine information, the Holy Prophet became aware of this conspiracy.190 He suddenly left for Medina, ordering them to leave it and allowing them to keep their own possessions. Being frightened, they intended to leave that place forever; but ‘Abdullah ibn Ubayy seduced them to resist promising that he would assist them if a war broke out. He told them that if they were expelled from Medina, he would leave there.191
Some historical accounts report that prior to this event, Quraysh had provoked Banu’l-Nadhir to fight against Muslims.192 These provocations were influential in the outcomes of this event.
Having been misled by ‘Abdullah’s false promises, Banu’l-Nadhir preferred to stay. By the command of the Holy Prophet, the Muslim troops surrounded their castle for fifteen days during which there was no sign of supporting troops! Banu’l-Nadhir had to surrender and take their possessions on camels; some going to Damascus and others to Khaybar, including their chief Huyay ibn Akhtab. They were welcomed by the people of Khaybar who showed obedience to their chief.193
Since Banu’l-Nadhir surrendered with no fight, their possessions were at the disposal of the Holy Prophet. After obtaining the consent of Ansar, the Holy Prophet divided these possessions among the emigrants.194
God, in the Holy Qur'an, mentions the treason of Banu’l-Nadhir and their fate with the following words:
He it is Who caused those who disbelieved of the followers of the Book to go forth from their homes at the first banishment; you did not think that they would go forth, while they were certain that their fortresses would defend them against Allah; but Allah came to them when they did not expect, and cast terror into their own hands and the hands of the believers; therefore take a lesson, O you who have eyes.
And had it not been that Allah had decreed for them the exile, He would certainly have punished them in this world, and in the Hereafter, they shall have chastisement of the fire.
That is because they acted in opposition to Allah and His Apostle, and whoever acts in opposition to Allah, then surely, Allah is severe in requiting evil (Holy Qur’an 59: 2-4.)195
This battle, which is also called al-khandaq (the ditch) or al-ahzab (the Allies), took place in Shawwal, the 5th year of Hegira196 when Huyay ibn Akhtab, some chiefs of Banu’l-Nadhir who had taken refuge in Khaybar and a group of Banu-Wa’il had visited Quraysh in Mecca and encouraged them to take part in a war against the Holy Prophet. They promised them of all sorts of assistance. Quraysh asked them, “Which one is better; our religion or Muhammad’s?” Although the Jews doctrinally believed in God and they should not have supported idolatry, they answered, “Your religion is better than Muhammad’s and you are closer to the reality.”
Having heard this, Quraysh were encouraged to fight the Holy Prophet. God condemns this hostile judgment of theirs in the following manner:
Have you not seen those to whom a portion of the book has been given? They believe in idols and false deities and say of those who disbelieve: They are better guided in the path than those who believe.
Those are they whom Allah curses you shall not find any helper for him. (4:51-52)
This hostile judgment of the Jewish leaders was so far away from logic and justice that some current Jews condemn it. In his book entitled The History of Judaism in the Land of Arabs, Dr. Israel Wolfinson, a Jewish historian, writes:
“They should not have committed such an obnoxious blunder; they should not have deemed the worshiping of idols superior to the Islamic monotheism even if they would fall out of Quraysh’s love and care. This is because the Israelites have been carrying the banner of monotheists among the idol-worshippers for centuries.197”
Next, the Jewish leaders resorted to the chiefs of the Ghatafan tribe asking for assistance in a war against Muslims.198 Out of this tribe, the branches Banu-Fazarah, Banu-Murrah and Banu-Ashja’ declared their cooperation.199 Then the agreement of Banu-Sulaym and Banu-Asad was obtained.200 Quraysh gained the support of their previous allies; Banu-Thaqif and Banu-Kinanah.201 As a result, a strong military force consisting of ten thousand troops202 and headed by Abu-Sufyan started moving towards Medina. On their way, Huyay ibn Akhtab pledged Abu-Sufyan the cooperation of Banu-Quray¨ah who had seventy-five warriors.203
Concerning the great capital which both Quraysh and the Jews had spent on the preparation for this war, they considered it epoch-making and were determined to annihilate Muslims forever.
Through the secret reports of Banu-Khuza’ah who were allies of Muslims, the Holy Prophet knew about the movement of the enemy troops.204 In a military session held by the Holy Prophet, nobody agreed to leave Medina; the vote was unanimous.205
There were palm-groves around the city and they hindered the enemy’s free access.206 Salman proposed that they would dig a ditch around the part of the city in which there were no natural obstructions so that the enemy could not pass.207 The ditch was dug in a short time due to the participation of all Muslims, including the Holy Prophet.208 He had women and children relocated to the castles and shelters inside the city.209 The Islamic forces, consisting of three thousand,210 stayed between the ditch and Mount Sala’, having it behind them.211
The commanders of the allies expected the war to take place outside Medina like the Battle of Uhud. However, this did not happen. Arriving at the city borders and noticing the ditch, they were bewildered, because the digging of the ditch was unprecedented among Arabs as a war technique.212 Thus, they had to surround the city behind the ditch.
The siege lasted for nearly twenty days and both parties started shooting at each other. The warriors of Quraysh started special military maneuvers to frighten the Muslim troops.213 Due to the enemy’s siege of the city, Muslims were caught in a severe plight, which is described by God in the following words:
[Those who believe remember the day] when they came upon you from above you and from below you, and when the eyes turned dull, and the hearts rose up to the throats, and you began to think diverse thoughts of Allah. There the believers were tried and they were shaken with severe shaking. (33:10-11)
At this time, something else took place and jeopardized the Muslims’ status even more; Banu-Quray¨ah breached their nonaggression pact with Muslims. They did so on account of Huyay ibn Akhtab’s temptations.214 Moreover, they committed two other acts of treason: first, they brought ammunitions to the allies who were short in supplies. At Quba, Muslims waylaid a caravan, arranged by Banu-Quray¨ah, carrying dates and barely for the enemy and they confiscated it.215 Second, they spread terror in women’s’ shelters. As one of them entered the castle where women were sheltering, he was killed by Safiyyah, the Holy Prophet’s aunt.216 One night, Banu-Quray¨ah decided to attack the center of Medina. For this purpose, they sent Huyay ibn Akhtab to Mecca asking the chiefs of Quraysh for one thousand troops. They also asked Ghatafan the same. Reports of these movements and proceedings reached the Holy Prophet, who, as a result, appointed five hundred warriors to protect the city, which was panic-stricken. These warriors stayed overnight crying out ‘Allahu-Akbar (Allah is the Most Great) and protected the civil sections.217
In addition to the digging of the ditch, several factors contributed to the failure of the troops of the Allies:
Nu’aym ibn Mas’ud, a member of Ghatafan tribe, had recently accepted Islam. Having acquired permission of the Holy Prophet to use deceptive tactics against the enemy,218 he met with Banu-Quray¨ah and, pretending to be their friends, started reproaching them, saying, “Your position is different from Quraysh’s. If they lose the war, they will return home; but you have nowhere to go to if you lose. Muslims will then destroy you altogether.” He then suggested that they should take as hostages several chiefs of the Allies and keep them to the end of the war. He then revealed this military secret made by Banu-Quray¨ah to the chiefs of Quraysh and Ghatafan, saying, “Banu-Quray¨ah have decided to surrender to Muhammad and give him these chiefs as a sign of goodwill.” He then warned them not to accept such a proposal. This plan worked well; differences developed between these two groups and the Allies were destroyed from within.219
Quraysh had to bring the war to an end because they were pressure for three reasons:
First: Because the war took a longer period than expected, there was shortage in supplies.
Second: The weather became so cold that they could not bear staying inside tents.
Third: Dhu’l-Qa’dah, one of the sacred months in which fighting was forbidden, was approaching. If the war could not end in Shawwal, it would certainly be postponed for three months.220 Therefore, the Allies were determined to bring the war to an end at all costs. For this purpose, five of the bravest warriors jumped with their horses to the other side of the ditch221and demanded equal opponents to fight. One of them was the famous Arab warrior, ‘Amr ibn ‘Abd-Wudd, who was famed as the hero of yalyal and the hero of Quraysh.222 Having crossed the ditch, ‘Amr shouted, “Is there any fighter to face me?”. None of the Muslim troops answered him.223 He repeated this call seven time and each time Imam ‘Ali would rise and ask the Holy Prophet to permit him to confront this warrior. Finally, permission was given to Imam ‘Ali. As he proceeded to confront ‘Amr, the Holy Prophet said,
“The entire Islam will face the entire unbelief.”224
In a great duel, Imam ‘Ali could kill ‘Amr. Seeing this, the other four warriors who had passed the ditch flew. One of them had fallen in the ditch with his horse before he was killed by Muslims.225
Seeing this great bravery of Imam ‘Ali, the Holy Prophet said,
“Your deed today is superior to all deeds of Muslims put together. As ‘Amr is killed, all houses of the enemies are miserable and all houses of Muslims feel dignity.”226
On the word of al-Hakim al-Naysaburi, a great Sunni traditionist, the Holy Prophet had declared:
“‘Ali’s fighting with ‘Amr at the ditch is more favorable than the good deeds of all Muslims up to the Resurrection Day.”227
With the killing of ‘Amr, the Allies lost their morale; signs of defeat appeared in their camp so evidently that each tribe decided to retreat.228
The last blow to the enemy was done by God Who caused a terrible storm to dominant over them at night. The storm destroyed their tents completely. As a consequence, Abu-Sufyan ordered them to return to Mecca.229 Referring to this victory, God the Almighty states in the Holy Qur'an:
O you who believe; call to mind the favor of Allah to you when there came down upon you hosts; so, We sent against them a strong wind and hosts that you saw not, and Allah is Seeing what you do. (33:9)
And Allah tuned back the unbelievers in their rage; they did not obtain any advantage, and Allah sufficed the believers in fighting; and Allah is Strong, Mighty. (33:25)
Despite the enemy’s great expenditure on his war, the results of were bitter and disastrous because they could neither damage Medina nor free the Damascus trade route. In this way, Abu-Sufyan’s military credit was greatly damaged and the status of Quraysh was badly hurt. After this war, Muslims had more courage to attack their enemy. The Holy Prophet said, “From now on, we will attack and they will have no ability to attack us.”230 The martyrs in this war are reported to be six231 and the enemy casualties were three.232
After the retreat of the Allies, the Holy Prophet was commissioned to go after Banu-Quray¨ah. In the evening of the next day, the Holy Prophet ordered his men to surround the stronghold of Banu-Quray¨ah whose members were shooting from this stronghold and insulting the Holy Prophet.
After a twenty-five day siege, Banu-Quray¨ah had to surrender. Aws who were in a military pact with Banu-Quray¨ah asked the Holy Prophet to treat their allies the same way as he had treated Banu-Qaynuqa’, the Allies of Khazaraj. The Holy Prophet said, “Let your leader, Sa’d ibn Mu’adh, be a judge in this issue.” The people of Aws and Banu-Quray¨ah accepted. Traditionally, Sa’d should have favored Banu-Quray¨ah. Uninfluenced by the recommendation of his tribe, Sa’d declared that he would not fear any criticism. When he obtained the permission of both sides, he issued that men of Banu-Quray¨ah should be killed, their women and children taken as captives and their possessions confiscated. This verdict was immediately put into action. Huyay ibn Akhtab, the chief of Banu’l-Nadhir who had encouraged Banu-Quray¨ah to breach their pact with Muslims, was also killed. In his last moments, he was severely reproached for his acts of treason. Instead of confessing his errors and feeling remorse, he deemed the unfortunate fate of Banu-Quray¨ah and him the result of God’s predeterminism. He addressed the Holy Prophet saying, “I do not regret my enmity to you; rather, one whom God decides to be miserable will be miserable forever.” He then turned to people and said, “We should surrender to God’s wishes; this defeat was imposed by God over the Israelites.233”
The Holy Prophet sent a group of captives to Najd in order to buy horses and ammunitions.234 Referring to their disastrous fate, the Holy Qur'an remarks:
And He drove down those of the followers of the Book who backed them from their fortresses and He cast awe into their hearts; some you killed and you took captive another part. And He made you heirs to their land and their dwellings and their property; and to a land which you have not yet trodden, and Allah has power over all things. (33: 26-27)
Although the details of this issue are ambiguous for historians, we will deal with two views hereinafter:
(1) Some European authors have criticized the treatment that Banu-Quray¨ah received as barbarous and inhumane.235 However, this criticism cannot be held considering the crimes they had committed, because they not only broke their contract with Muslims but also committed acts of treason inside Medina when they supplied the enemies with ammunition. We know that in warfare, these acts could not be pardonable.
The Holy Prophet could have punished them himself; but due to the request of the people of Aws, he accepted the judgment of Sa’d. This proposal was accepted by both Aws and Banu-Quray¨ah. So, there is no room left for criticism.
This question still holds: Who should be treated kindly; and where should affections be used? Should those who have bypassed human values and whose very nature is filled with hatred be eligible to receive mercy?236 Were the Jews of Banu’l-Nadhir, under the leadership of Huyay ibn Akhtab, not pardoned? However, they did not cease conspiring against Muslims and they practically waged a war against Muslims. How could Huyay ibn Akhtab and Ka’b ibn Asad convince others that they would neither resume their previous viciousness nor would they prepare forces to destroy Muslims? Was leniency appropriate in their case? During the siege of Medina, Abu-Sufyan wrote a threatening letter to the Holy Prophet, saying:
“I swear to Lat and ‘Uzza that I have come here with this army to fight you. We will not need any further fight; I am determined to destroy you this time. However, if we return to Mecca, we will make for you a day like the day of Uhud when women will not stop mourning.”237
If this had happened would Banu-Quray¨ah not have cooperated with the Allies?
Sa’d’s judgment was in accordance with the commands in the Torah—whose penal laws must have been known by him—that reads:
“When you approach a city to engage in fight, first propose peace. If they open the doors to you, all of them will fall slaves to you. If they refuse to have peace, then you must fight and kill their men, take their women and children as captives, and confiscate their property.”238
(2) A contemporary researcher has denied the punishment of Banu-Quray¨ah. Referring to some records, he has reckoned impossible such a severe punishment by the Holy Prophet.239 Although his statements could be used as a protection to defend the Muslim status vis-à-vis the European and Zionist propaganda, the reasons this writer has offered are not valid.240 In his reasoning, he has not paid attention to verse 26 of Surah al-Ahzab (No. 33) which refers to this issue. Furthermore, after the Battle of the Allies (Ahzab), there is no mention of Banu-Quray¨ah in historical records. If the issue of punishment had not existed, there should have been some mentions of their existence as such.
In Sha’ban241 of the sixth year of Hegira, the Holy Prophet was informed that Harith ibn Abi-®irar, the chief of Banu’l-Muztalaq—a branch of Banu-Khuza’ah—had mobilized some men together with some Arabs of that region to attack Medina. The Holy Prophet mobilized Muslim troops and went forward as far as Musayri’ Well242 in the coastal areas of the Red Sea. The war took place there. Banu’l-Muztalaq were easily defeated; many captives were taken and their property was confiscated.243
Juwayriyah, daughter of Harith, was among the captives. In order to free his daughter, Harith met the Holy Prophet in Medina. He embraced Islam when the Holy Prophet told him that he hid two camels which he had determined to offer to the Holy Prophet as her daughter’s ransom. The Holy Prophet first freed Juwayriyah and then married her.244
In honor of the Holy Prophet, Muslims made free the captives who had now become relatives by marriage of the Holy Prophet. For this reason, Juwayriyah is remembered as the Holy Prophet’s most blessed wife.245 This marriage could be regarded as an instance of the Holy Prophet’s marriages purposed for social consequences and personal considerations.
In the 6th year of Hegira, the Holy Prophet decided to go to Mecca for ‘Umrah (minor pilgrimage). Muslims could not go on such rituals since the emigration. This journey, besides spiritual phases, was a kind of religious demonstration. It attracted the Meccan pilgrims and showed the increasing number of the Holy Prophet’s followers. It also showed that the ceremonies of Hajj and ‘Umrah, which were significant religious events for the infidels, were also accepted by Muhammad’s religion and was among its acts of worship. This fact had tremendous effects on their hearts and affections. If Quraysh tried to stop the ceremony of ‘Umrah, it would have a bad effect on the public opinion and this would be a disadvantage for them. Quraysh had always encouraged pilgrimage; they used to entertain the pilgrims—an act that they always recognized as point of honor. Now if they stopped the Muslim participants, this would bring forth people’s hatred.246
In Dhi’l-Qa’dah, the Holy Prophet entered Mecca with eighteen hundred followers.247 During this journey, he ordered his men to carry only one sword as weapon and take the sacrificial camels from Medina so that everybody could see that they did not intend to fight.
Quraysh became aware of the Holy Prophet’s decision to enter Mecca. For this purpose, they left the city with their military troops. The Holy Prophet unwillingly had to stop at the land of Hudaybiyah. Quraysh sent several couriers to find out his intention. Each time, he informed them, “We have no intention to fight; we have come here to perform the ceremony of ‘Umrah.” However, Quraysh still made trouble for their entrance into Mecca.
Ultimately, the Holy Prophet sent ‘Uthman ibn ‘Affan to explain to Quraysh the Holy Prophet’s aims. It took long for ‘Uthman to return. Rumors had it that he was killed.248 Now, the Holy Prophet asked his men to gather under a tree to convene an allegiance for perseverance.249 After this ceremony, it turned out that the rumor of ‘Uthman’s death was not true. Since this allegiance was held under a tree and God was pleased with the believers who participated in it, this pledge of allegiance was called Ridhwan (Pleasure) Allegiance or the Pledge of the Tree.250
After the fruitless return of ‘Uthman, Suhayl ibn ‘Amr was sent to the Holy Prophet on the part of Quraysh for negotiation. He specified as a pre-condition of a conclusion of a truce that Muslims would not perform ‘Umrah that year.251 This negotiation terminated in the convention of the famous Hudaybiyah Truce that contained the following paragraphs:
(1) The two parties agree on ten-year ceasefire, protection of people’s security, refraining from molesting one another.
(2) Muhammad and Muslims should not enter Mecca that year. The next year, Quraysh would leave Mecca for three days during which Muslims would enter there to perform ‘Umrah on condition that each Muslim could carry one sword only.252
(3) If an individual from Quraysh joins Muhammad without his father’s consent, Muhammad shall send him back to Mecca; but if one of Muhammad’s followers joins Quraysh, he will never be sent back.
(4) Every tribe is free to enter into treaties with Muhammad or Quraysh.253
(5) No party will betray the other or enter in a truce with the other party’s enemy and no party will practice any act of aggression against the other.
(6) Following the faith of Islam is free in Mecca and nobody is persecuted because of his belief.254
(7) Anyone of Muhammad’s followers who enters Mecca for Hajj or ‘Umrah or for trade shall have his or her life and property protected.255
After reaching an agreement over the principles of truce, Imam ‘Ali wrote down the written form of the truce beginning with, ‘Bismillahir-Rahmanir-Rahim (In the Name of Allah, the Beneficent, the Merciful)’. The representative of Quraysh objected to this statement and to the title of ‘Rasul Allah (the Messenger of God)’ given to the Holy Prophet. It took them a long time to settle this dispute. Finally, the Holy Prophet consented to it after realizing its benefits. While Imam ‘Ali was erasing the statement, the Holy Prophet foretold him, “One day, this will happen to you and you will have to accept.”256
This prediction came true when Imam ‘Ali had to erase the title of ‘Amir al-mu'minin (the Commander of the Believers)’ during the truce he had to sign with Mu’awiyah immediately after the Battle of Siffin.257
Because they could not foresee the results, Muslims regarded this truce as loss.258 Some of them insisted on the Holy Prophet not to sign it.259 However, he predicted that this truce would carry numerous political and social benefits for Muslims some of which were the following:
(1) The enemy recognized Muslims and their creed through signing the truce. Before that, the unbelievers had never confessed Islam as an independent religion. Moreover, they always worked and wished for destroying this religion.
(2) The invulnerable wall between Muslims was broken by this truce. Due to opening a free passage between Mecca and Medina and the communications between the two parties, many unbelievers became Muslims after they had listened to the reasoning of Islam. The number of converts was more than the number of Muslims up to that point.260 It is worth noting that the Holy Prophet’s followers during this journey numbered no more than 1800, but two years later and during the conquest of Mecca, the number was more than ten thousand. Considering this favorable situation for Muslims, Imam al-Sadiq says,
“Two years after the Hudaybiyah Truce, Islam was almost the prevailing religion of Mecca.”261
(3) Before the Hudaybiyah Truce, the enmity and aggressions of Quraysh had not given a chance to the Holy Prophet to propagate his ideology inside and outside the Arabian Peninsula. After that, the Holy Prophet could liquidate the surroundings of Medina and dispatch several missionaries to different territories. Inviting the world leaders to Islam could take place only after the Hudaybiyah Truce.
(4) This truce indirectly led to the seizure of Mecca because, in accordance with it’s forth paragraph, the alliance of tribes with Quraysh or Muslims was a matter of free choice and the tribe of Khuza’ah allied with Muslims. However, Quraysh attacked this tribe and thus breached the truce causing the Holy Prophet to seize Mecca.
Regarding such bright results, the Hudaybiyah Truce can be seen as a great victory for Muslims. Surah al-Fath was revealed to the Holy Prophet when he was on his way to sign on this truce.262 God called this treaty as a clear victory.263
- 1. Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu’jam al-Buldan, 4:238.
- 2. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, pp. 294.
It is said that the Jews had had fifty-nine castles and dwelling-places at Yathrib before the tribes of Aws and Khazraj resided there. On the other side, the Arab tribes had only thirteen castles and dwelling places. See op cit, pp. 293; Wafa al-Wafa 1:165.
This vividly shows the social distances between these two.
- 3. Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:70; Tabari, op cit, 2:234; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah 2:128; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:51; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Huda, pp. 56.
Although they had been expecting the advent of the Promised Prophet, the Jews stood against the Holy Prophet. For this reason, the Holy Qur’an reprimanded them in the following manner:
And when there came to them [the Israelites] a book from Allah verifying that which they have, and aforetime they used to pray for victory against those who disbelieve, but when there came to them prophet that which they did not recognize, they disbelieved in him; so Allah's curse is on the unbelievers. (2:89).
- 4. Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 57.
- 5. Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:67-70; Tabari, op cit, 2:233; al-Buladhari, Ansab Al-Ashraf 1:238; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 2:118.
- 6. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 70-73; Tabari, op cit, pp. 234-235; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 2:128; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 19:25.
- 7. ‘Aqabah, meaning a pass, is situated to the west of Mecca.
- 8. Five of them had sworn allegiance with the Holy Prophet in the last year, while seven paid homage this year.
- 9. This treaty was termed bay’at al-nisa', because the issues of war not included in it. After the conquest of Mecca, the Holy Prophet asked women to swear their allegiance. This issue is brought up in a verse in Surah al-Mumtahanah that reads,
O Prophet! When believing women come to you giving you a pledge that they will not associate aught with Allah, and will not steal, and will not commit fornication, and will not kill their children, and will not bring a calumny which they have forged of themselves, and will not disobey you in what is good; accept their pledge, and ask forgiveness for them from Allah; surely Allah is Forgiving, Merciful. (60:12).
- 10. op cit, Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:220.
- 11. Muz’ab was a young man from a rich family that belonged to Banu-’Abd al-Dar, Quraysh. Although his parents loved him passionately, he was deprived of everything due to his belief in Islam. He was a zealous Muslim who had migrated to Abyssinia twice. See Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 4:368-370.
- 12. Al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 132-140, Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 81-90; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 240-254; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 221-223; Tabari, op cit, pp. 237; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 54; al-Majlisi, op cit, 19:25-26.
- 13. al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:357; Tabari, op cit, 2:240-241; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:226; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 26.
- 14. Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:111; Ibn Shahrashub, al-Manaqib 1:182, Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 3:169.
- 15. Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 2:189.
- 16. op cit.
- 17. The event of Dar al-Nidwah (House of Consultation) and Laylat al-Mabit (the Night of Staying) have been recorded in the following reference books, yet with little difference: Tarikh al-Tabari 2:242-245; al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:124-128; Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:227-228; Dala'il al-Nubuwwah 2:147; Ansab al-Ashraf 1:259- 260; al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:101-103; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:32; I’lam al-Wara, pp. 61; Shaykh al-Tusi’s al-Amali, pp. 245- 247 and 463- 471; Ibn Shahrashub’s Manaqib 1:182- 183; al-Khawarzmi’s Manaqib, p73; al-Karajaki’s Kanz al-Fawa'id 2:55; Ibn Kathir’s al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 3:175-180; Ibn Husham’s al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:189-206; al-Khatib al-Baghdadi’s Tarikh Baghdad 13:191-192; Bihar al-Anwar 19:47- 65.
- 18. Al-Fattal al-Naysaburi, Rawdhat al-Wa’i¨in, pp. 117; Ibn al-Athir, Usd al-Ghabah 4:25; Shablanji, Nur al-Abzar, pp. 86; Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 1:301; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 13:262; Sibt ibn al-Jawzi, Tadhkirat al-Khawazz, pp. 35; Abu-Bakr Hamawi, Thamarat al-Awraq, pp. 20; ‘Allamah Amini, al-Ghadir 2:48. ‘Allamah Amini has reported this event from different reference books, such as, al-Mu¨affar’s Dala'il al-Sidq 2:80. Al-Mu¨affar, al-Tha’labi, al-Qanaduzi, al-Hakim al-Naysaburi, Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Abu’l-Sa’adat, al-Ghazzali, al-Fakhr al-Razi, and al-Dhahbi—all these Sunni master scholars report that this verse was revealed about Imam ‘Ali’s self-sacrifice at that night.
- 19. Saduq, al-Khizal 2:367; Mufid, al-Ikhtizaz, pp. 165.
- 20. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:129; Tabari, op cit, 2:247; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:261; Ibn Shahrashub, al-Manaqib 1:183.
- 21. Shaykh al-Tusi, al-Amali, pp. 468; Mufid, al-Ikhtizaz, pp. 147; al-Suyuti, Tarikh al-Khulafa', pp. 166.
- 22. Muhammad Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:292; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 19:87.
- 23. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 137; Tabari, op cit, pp. 248; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 64; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 263; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah 2:172
- 24. Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, op cit, 1:185; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 166, 172; Tabari, op cit, 2:249.
- 25. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 138; Tabari, op cit, pp. 249.
- 26. Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, pp. 183; see I’lam al-Wara, pp. 66; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:34
- 27. op cit.
- 28. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:135; Mas’udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 252, Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 1:10; ‘Abd al-Qadir Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:23-24.
- 29. Tarikh al-Tabari 2:252; Nur al-Din al-Samhudi, Wafa' al-Wafa' 1:248; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 40:218 as reported by Ibn Shahrashub.
- 30. al-Buladhari, Futuh al-Buldan, pp. 71-72. In the body of this document, the name of ‘Ali ibn Abi-Talib is recorded; see 3:46-48.
- 31. ‘Abd al-Hayy al-Kittani, al-Taratib al-Idariyyah 1:181.
- 32. Husayn Diyarbakri, Tarikh al-Khamis 1:368.
- 33. al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:531.
- 34. A branch of Banu-Bakr tribe.
- 35. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 534.
- 36. Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 3:55.
- 37. Tabari, op cit, pp. 252; Ibn Kathir, al-Bidayah wa’l-Nihayah 7:73-74; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 12:74; Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 1:10-11.
- 38. Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:175; Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 3:35. Refer to this book for further information.
- 39. Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu’jam al-Buldan 5:430.
- 40. Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:239; Tabari, Tarikh 2:256; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah 2:187; Ibn Shahrashub, al-Manaqib 3:215; al-Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 2:252; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 19:124.
- 41. One of these two chambers was for Sawdah and the other for ‘A'ishah. See Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, op cit, pp. 240; al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah, op cit, pp. 273.
- 42. Ibn Husham, Al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:143; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib, op cit, pp. 186.
- 43. Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:34.
- 44. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 255; Nur al-Din al-Samhudi, Wafa' al-Wafa' 2:453-458; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 17:81, 22:66, 118, 310, 70:128-129, 72:38; Majma’ al-Bayan 2:386; ‘Abd al-Hayy al-Kittani, al-Taratib al-Idariyyah 1:473-480.
- 45. Abu-Na’im Izfahani, Hilyat al-Awliya' 1:339-340. Abu-Na’im has given a detailed account of the Suffah Followers. He introduces all the members of this group who were fifty-one in number one by one. Among them, there is no name of any woman. Some of them were Bilal, al-Bara' Ibn Malik, Jundab ibn Janadah, Hudhayfah ibn al-Yaman, Khabbab ibn al-Aratt, Dhu’l-Bihadayn, Salman, Sa’id ibn Abi-Waqqaz, Sa’d ibn Malik (Abu-Sa’id al-Khidri), Salim (Abu-Hudhayfah’s freed slave) and ‘Abdullah ibn Mas’ud.
- 46. These are the Jews of Banu-’Amr ibn ‘Awf and other native Jews of Medina. However, the other three Jewish tribes of Banu-Qaynuqa’, Banu’l-Nadhir, and Banu-Quray¨ah signed another treaty with the Holy Prophet the description of which will be given later.
- 47. Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:147-150. For more information concerning the paragraphs of this contract, see Furugh Abadiyyat 1:462-465.
- 48. Muslim historians have asserted that this treaty was signed after the Holy Prophet's first sermon in Medina, which shows that it was one of the first actions of the Holy Prophet in this city.
- 49. That was five or eight months after Hegira. See al-Samhudi, op cit, 1:267; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 19:130.
- 50. Ibn Husham. op cit, 2:150; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:238; Halabi, op cit, 2:292; al-Majlisi, op cit, 19:130. This fraternization was based on the common Faith, as confirmed in the following narration, “Allah’s Messenger associated as brothers between Muhajirun and Anzar by the brotherhood of faith.” See Tusi, al-Amali, pp. 587.
- 51. Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:150; ‘Asqalani, al-Izabah 2:507; Qanaduzi, Yanabi’ al-Mawaddah 1:55; Sibt ibn al-Jawzi, Tadhkirat al-Khawazz, pp. 20, 22,23; Musnad Ahmad; Ibn ‘Abd al-Barr, al-Isi’ab 3:35; Halabi, op cit, 2:292; Samhudi, op cit, 1:268; Al-Mu¨affar, Dala'il al-Sidq 2:268-271.
- 52. Qanaduzi, op cit, 1:55 as quoted from Musnad Ahmad; Amini, al-Ghadir 3:112; Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 3:60; Tusi, al-Amali, pp. 587.
The reports of the brotherhood between Imam ‘Ali and the Holy Prophet are authentic. Accordingly, the statements of Ibn Taymiyah and Ibn Kathir reveal their personal attitudes. They lack any scientific authenticity. See al-Ghadir 3:112-125, 174, 227 and 7:336.
- 53. Al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 1:379; Ibn Shabbah, Tarikh al-Madinah al-Munawwarah 2:289.
- 54. Musnad Ahmad 3:204; Halabi, op cit, 2:292; Ibn Kathir, op cit, 3:338; Ibn Shabbah, op cit, pp. 490.
- 55. There are disagreement among historians concerning the birthplace, previous homeland, and lineage of these three Jewish tribes. It is said that after the pressures which were leveled at them by the Roman Empire at Damascus, the Jews came to the Arabian Peninsula, specifically Yathrib, and lived there. See Mu’jam al-Buldan 5:84; Wafa' al-Wafa' 1:160.
Then, the Qahtani tribes, namely Aws and Khazraj, went there to live after the destructions of the Ma’rib Dam. See Mu’jam al-Buldan 1:36; Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 1:656.
As we have already said, there were continual conflicts between these two groups. However, some historians contend that they were the Arab natives of the Arabian Peninsula and they had adopted this religion due to Jewish propagation. See Ahmad Susah, Mufazzal al-’Arab wa’l-Yahuf fi’l-Tarikh, pp. 627-629.
Some others ascribe the Jewish settlement at Yathrib to the time of Prophet Moses. This, However, seems to be legendary. See Mu’jam al-Buldan 5:84; Wafa’ al-Wafa’ 1:157.
According to some historical documents and narrations, the Jews, having realized some of the signs of the forthcoming advent of the Promised Prophet, went to Fadak, Khaybar, Tayma' and Yathrib in search of his emigration. They thus settled there. See Mu’jam al-Buldan 5:84; Wafa’ al-Wafa’ 1:160; Shaykh al-Kulayni, al-Rawdhah min al-Kafi, pp. 309; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 15:226.
This issue is in harmony with the first hypothesis. Upon receiving a lot of pressures from Rome, the Jews might have headed of this place from prophecies. Some narrations confirm this issue. See Badran, Tahdhib Tarikh Dimashq 1:351; Wafa’ al-Wafa’ 1:160.
There are some disagreements concerning the lineage of these three Jewish tribes as to whether they belonged to the Israelites or the Arabs. The majority of scholars emphasize the second view. See Ahmad Susah, op cit, pp. 627. Ya’qubi, too considers the tribes of Banu’l-Nadhir and Banu-Quray¨ah as Arabs. See Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:40, 42; Wafa’ al-Wafa’ 1:162.
The following evidence confirms the validity of the first view:
(1) Numerous verses of the Holy Qur’an are addressing the Jews as Israelites.
(2) The Jews’ opposition to the Holy Prophet is based on racial grounds; that is to say, the Holy Prophet did not belong to the Israelites.
(3) Arab genealogists have not referred to these Jews as Arabs.
- 56. Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 69; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 1:176, 365, 367 and 2:464; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:231; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi, 2:43. After that, the Holy Prophet punished these three tribes because they breached their treaties with him.
- 57. al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 69, 110.
- 58. Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:160, 166; al-Nuwayri, Nihayat al-Irab 1:332.
- 59. Halabi, al-Sirat al-Halabiyyah 1:337; al-Nuwayri, op cit, p339; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 174.
- 60. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 237-238; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 2:165; al-Nuwayri, op cit, 1:338; Ibn Shabbah, Tarikh al-Madinah al-Munawwarah 1:357; Dahlan, Al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah wa’l-Athar al-Muhammadiyyah 1:184.
- 61. Mas’udi, al-Tanbih wa’l-Ishraf, pp. 237.
- 62. Qur’an 7:157; 2: 26, 89, 101; 3: 81, 187; 6: 114; 28: 52
- 63. Halabi, op cit, 1:302; al-Bayhaqi, op cit, 2:186; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:51; al-Maghazi 1:367.
- 64. Qur’an 4:153; Qur’an 3:183.
- 65. Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:160; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:54; Halabi, op cit, 1:321-322; Zayni Dahlan, Al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:178-180.
- 66. Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:204-205; Halabi, op cit, 2:319-320.
- 67. Qur'an, 2:96.
- 68. Qur’an 2:90, 109; 4:54; Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:160; Zayni Dahlan, op cit, 1:176; al-Maghazi 1:365.
- 69. Banu-Qaynuqa’ were engaged in silversmith's trade. (Montgomery, Muhammad at Medina). There was a market in Medina carrying their name. (Ibn Shabbah, Tarikh al-Madinah al-Munawwarah 1:306; Yaqut al-Hamawi, Mu’jam al-Buldan 4:424).
Banu’l-Nadhir and Banu-Quray¨ah constructed housing buildings and castles in the outskirts of Medina. They were engaged in agriculture and gardening. (Yaqut al-Hamawi, op cit; al-Samhudi, Wafa' al-Wafa' 1:161)
- 70. Qur’an 4:161.
- 71. Ibn Husham, Al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:188.
- 72. Qur’an 9:31.
- 73. Qur’an 2:79, 3:187, 9:34; al-Bayhaqi, Dala'il al-Nubuwwah.
- 74. Qur’an 2:97-98; Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 1:175; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 1:329.
- 75. Qur’an 4:46, 155-158, 9:30.
- 76. Murtadha al-’Amili, al-Sahih min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 3:106; Sahih al-Bukhari 7:486; Sahih Muslim 14:80.
- 77. Murtadha al-’Amili, op cit, 1:175-176.
- 78. Sahih al-Bukhari, 9:772.
- 79. Halabi, op cit, 1:372; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:52.
- 80. Halabi, op cit, 2:332.
- 81. Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:34; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 1:242; al-Hurr al-’Amili, Wasa'il al-Shi’ah, pp. 216; Tabataba'i, al-Mizan 1:331.
The date of the change of kiblah is reported to have been between seven and eighteen months after the migration. See Wafa' al-Wafa' 1:361-364; Bihar al-Anwar 19:113. As for ‘Allamah Tabataba'i, he confirms that it was seventeen months after the migration.
- 82. Tabataba’i, al-Mizan 1:333. Based on some reports, the Holy Prophet never turned his back to the Kaaba throughout his residence in Mecca. See Wasa'il al-Shi’ah 3:216.
However, the Holy Prophet considered the Kaaba to be equal to Jerusalem; therefore, he used to face both directions in prayer. See Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 2:357.
- 83. Permission to fight is given to those upon whom war is made because they are oppressed, and most surely Allah is well able to assist them; those who have been expelled from their homes without a just cause. (Qur'an, 22:39-40)
See al-Mizan 14:383; Tarikh Ya’qubi 2:36.
- 84. Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:112.
- 85. The number of the wars in which the Holy Prophet took part is said to be twenty-six, while expeditions were thirty-six. See Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:186; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 72.
Some historians have considered the number of such expeditions to be more than this number. See Mas’udi, Muruj al-Dhahab 2:282.
Bukhari recognizes this number to be nineteen. See Sahih al-Bukhari 6:327.
- 86. al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 1:9-11; al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:259; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:245, 251. Ibn Ishaq states that these expeditions took place in the second year of Hegira. (Tabari: op cit). If we accept this, we have to set the date of the formation of the Islamic army at the second year of Hegira. This too, would not take away anything of the significance of the Holy Prophet's preventative procedures.
- 87. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 11-13; Tabari, op cit, pp. 259-261.
- 88. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 9.
- 89. Montgomery, Muhammad at Medina, pp. 5.
- 90. Later on, this threat was implemented. As a consequence, Quraysh tried to find another route for trade because they worried about the cut off of the trade route to Damascus.
- 91. After the Holy Prophet's emigration, ‘Aqil confiscated his residential area in Mecca as well as the houses of Banu-Hashim's emigrants. When the Holy Prophet conquered Mecca, he established a tent at Hajun outside Mecca. He was asked why he had not gone to his pervious house. He answered, “Has ‘Aqil left any house for us?” See al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 3:828; Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:136; Qastalan, al-Mawahib al-Ludaniyyah 1:318.
‘Aqil's heirs sold that house to al-Hajjaj ibn Yusuf’s brother with one hundred thousand Dinars! See Halabi, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 1:101-102.
After the emigration of Banu-Jahsh ibn Ri'ab, their houses were empty. Under the pretext that his daughter was the wife of one of those, Abu-Sufyan confiscated their houses. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:145.
Besides, when Suhayb emigrated to Medina, The unbelievers started to chase him and took away from him his money but he escaped to safety (Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:121).
- 92. Muhammad Hasanayn Haykal, Hayat Muhammad, pp. 224-248.
- 93. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 2:255; al-Buladhari Ansab al-Ashraf 1:371-372; al-Waqidi, op cit, 1:13-19; al-Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 2:262-264; Ibn Shabbah, Tarikh al-Madinah al-Munawwarah 1:472-477.
- 94. al-Waqidi, op cit, 1:20.
- 95. Al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 27; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 19:245-274.
- 96. Badr is located in the southwest of Medina. Today, it is a city. The highway between Jeddah and Mecca passes through this district. It is 153 kilometers away from Medina and 343 kilometers from Mecca. See Muhammad ‘Abduh al-Yamani, Badr al-Kubra, pp. 25.
Since the construction of Medina-Mecca highway, pilgrims do not cross this direction during the Hajj ceremonies.
- 97. Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:258.
- 98. Muhammad ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:20, Tabari, op cit, 2:272.
- 99. Muslims had seventy camels; several persons would ride one camel. (al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 26; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 264.) They had only one horse. (Shaykh al-Mufid, al-Irshad, pp. 73; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib, 1:187; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 19:323; Musnad Ahmad 1:125) Some historians say that they had two horses. (al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 26; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 12-24; Tarikh Ya’qubi 2:37). They had six armors and eight swords. (Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, pp. 187; al-Majlisi, op cit, 19:323)
- 100. Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:258; Al-Waqid, op cit, 1:28.
- 101. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 270; Al-Waqid, op cit, pp. 41.
- 102. Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:269; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:15; Is op cit, 1:187; al-Majlisi, op cit, 19:219.
- 103. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 266-268; al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 48-49; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 14.
- 104. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 278; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 15-19; pp. 20.
- 105. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 277; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 17-23; al-Majlisi, op cit, 19:279; Ibn al-Athir, Al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:125.
- 106. Shaykh Mufid, al-Irshad, pp. 69.
- 107. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 18; Tabari, op cit, 2:294; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:37.
- 108. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 18-22; al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 116; Tabari, op cit, pp. 294; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:37; Ibn Shahrashub, al-Manaqib 1:189; al-Majlisi, op cit, 19:291.
- 109. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 17; Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:37; Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, p189.
- 110. Zayd ibn Thabit learnt reading and writing in this way. (Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 22-26)
- 111. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 18.
- 112. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 115.
- 113. op cit, pp. 121.
- 114. op cit, pp. 21.
- 115. op cit, pp. 78.
- 116. Prior to his prophethood, the Holy Prophet did not have any military experience. Historians refer to his limited war experience in his youth during the Battle of al-Fujjar. Yet, he acted in the Battle of Badr as an experienced warrior.
- 117. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:23; Musnad Ahmad 1:126; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah.
- 118. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 1:24; Shaykh al-Mufid, Kitab al-Irshad, pp. 72
- 119. Shaykh Mufid, op cit, pp. 70-72; al-Buladhari and al-Waqidi state that this group consisted of eighteen members. (Ansab al-Ashraf 1:297-301; al-Maghazi 1:152; Bihar al-Anwar 1:293). During the Battle of the Allies (al-Ahzab, also called the Battle of al-Khandaq) in the third year of Hegira, ‘Amr ibn ‘Abd-Wudd, a great Arab warrior, called for an opponent to fight. It was Imam ‘Ali who faced him. Belittling Imam ‘Ali, ‘Amr said, “Your father was a friend of mine, I do not desire to kill you.” Ibn Abi’l-Hadid writes, “‘Amr was a liar; he had seen how Imam ‘Ali fought in the Battle of Badr; therefore, he was sure that ‘Ali would kill him. That is why he bluffed.”
- 120. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 4; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 2:385-386; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 19:247.
- 121. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 54; Halabi, op cit, pp. 392. The army of Quraysh could not sleep due to their worry; they even could not eat. (al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 54).
- 122. Shaykh Mufid, op cit, pp. 73; Musnad Ahmad 1:125; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 19:279.
- 123. Al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 76-79; Ibn Husham, op cit, 2:286.
- 124. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 49.
- 125. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 115; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:294.
- 126. Tabari, op cit, 2:297.
- 127. al-Waqidi, op cit, 1:121; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:55; al-Bayhaqi, 2:341.
- 128. Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:38.
- 129. al-Waqidi, op cit, 1:197-198.
- 130. It is also called Sariyyat al-Qardah. See Bihar al-Anwar 20:4; Tabari, op cit, 3:5.
- 131. Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:53-54; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 20:4-5.
- 132. “Say to those who disbelieve: you shall be vanquished, and driven together to hell; and evil is the resting-place Indeed there was a sign for you in the two hosts which met together in encounter; one party fighting in the way of Allah and the other unbelieving, whom they saw twice as many as themselves with the sight of the eye; and Allah strengthens whom He pleases most surely there is a lesson in this for those who have sight.” (Qur’an 3:12-13)
- 133. al-Waqidi, op cit, 1:176; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:50-52; al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:308-309; Tabari, op cit, 2:297-298.
- 134. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 178.
- 135. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 178; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:50.
- 136. It seems that the Holy Prophet accepted the arbitration of ‘Abdullah ibn Ubayy because he was superficially Muslim and the Holy Prophet would do everything to keep the unity of Muslims.
- 137. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 179.
- 138. al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 43:97
- 139. al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 108; Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:34.
- 140. Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 8:19.
- 141. al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 93.
- 142. Amini, al-Ghadir 3:20.
- 143. al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 92.
- 144. al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 112.
- 145. For further information, refer to Ja’far Shahidi, Zandegani Fatimah, pp 44-76; Al-Khayyami, Zawjat al-Nabi wa-Awladuhu, pp. 322-328.
- 146. al-Waqidi, op cit, 1:200; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:64; Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:37.
- 147. The number of the enemy troops was three thousand, seven hundred of whom wore armors. They had two hundred horses and one thousand camels. See al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 203-204; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 37; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, 14:217.
- 148. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 202-203, Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 37, Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:66.
- 149. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 204, 206; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 14:37. According to some narrations, Banu-Khuza’ah, the allies of the Holy Prophet, relayed the information to the Holy Prophet who might have received it from both sources. See Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, pp. 218.
- 150. al-Waqidi op cit, pp. 210, 212, 213; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:67; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 38.
- 151. Mount Uhud is to north of Medina. Due to the natural obstacles to the south, the enemy could not penetrate into Medina; they had to go around the city to attack it from the north. See Muhammad Hamidullah, Rasul Akram dar Maydan Jang, pp. 79-85.
- 152. Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:191; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:117.
- 153. al-Waqidi, op cit, 1:219; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:39; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:68.
- 154. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 219; Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 2:533.
- 155. al-Waqidi, op cit. pp. 220; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 39; al-Samhudi, Wafa' al-Wafa' 1:225.
- 156. al-Waqidi, op cit p,220.
- 157. al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:49; Ibn Husham 3:70; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:34-40; Samhudi, op cit, 1:285; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:14.
- 158. al-Waqidi, op cit, 1:221; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:106.
- 159. Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 20:18; al-’Asqalani, al-Izabah 1:354. Other historians state that the battle broke out on the third, seventh, eighth, ninth, or eleventh of Shawwal. See Tarikh al-Tabari 3:14; al-Samhudi, Wafa' al-Wafa' 1:281.
- 160. Al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 2:547. It is also said that the casualties of the enemies were twenty-three or twenty-eight. See Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 15:54; Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:43; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:328.
- 161. Shaykh al-Mufid, Kitab al-Irshad, pp. 88; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 20:51; al-Tabrisi, Majma’ al-Bayan 2:496.
- 162. Tarikh al-Tabari 3:17; Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:41; al-Samhudi, Wafa' al-Wafa' 1:288; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 20:26.
- 163. Shaykh al-Saduq, al-Khizal, pp. 560.
- 164. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:83; Tarikh al-Tabari 3:17; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 20:51; al-Tabrisi, Majma’ al-Bayan 2:496. Referring to this incident, Hassan ibn Thabit, the Holy Prophet’s poet, composed the following:
Had it not been for the banner of that woman of Banu-Harith,
They would have become a cheap commodity in marts!
See Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:84; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 14:217.
- 165. Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:41-42; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:82; Tarikh al-Tabari 3:17, al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 20:26-29.
- 166. Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:82; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:26-27.
- 167. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:42; al-Samhudi, Wafa' al-Wafa' 1:286.
- 168. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:43, 45; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:93; al-Samhudi, op cit, 1:288; Sayyid ‘Ali-Khan Madani, al-Darajat al-Rafi’ah, pp. 283.
- 169. al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf, pp. 322.
- 170. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:42.
- 171. Holy Qur’an 3:153-154; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 318; Tabari, op cit, 3:20; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:47; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 15:23, 25.
- 172. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:47; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 15:21, 29.
- 173. Shaykh al-Mufid, Kitab al-Irshad, pp. 89; Tabari, op cit, 3:17; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:154; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 14:250; Ibn ‘Asakir, Tarikh Madinat Dimashq 1:150; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:88.
- 174. Tabari, op cit, 3:17; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 14:251; Shaykh al-Mufid, op cit, pp. 87; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:54, 103, 105, 107.
- 175. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:47-48; al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:327; Tabari, op cit, 3:24; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 15:30-31; Khargushi Sharaf al-Nabi; Halabi, op cit, 2:531; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:32 and 45.
- 176. al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:328; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 82; Khargushi, op cit pp. 346; Samhudi, op cit, 1:291-292; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:18; Halabi 2:547.
- 177. Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:110; Halabi, op cit, 2:550.
- 178. Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:107, 110; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 15:31, 33; Halabi, op cit, 2:550; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:40, 41, 99.
- 179. al-Waqidi, op cit, 1:317-318.
- 180. al-Waqidi, op cit, 1:317; Halabi, op cit, 2:549.
- 181. Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:112.
- 182. al-Waqidi, op cit, 1:342.
- 183. Al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 340-343: Muhammad Ibn Sa’d. Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:50.
- 184. According to some accounts, it was forty people. See Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:34; Ibn Husham al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:194; al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 1:347.
- 185. Tabari, op cit, 3:33-34; Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 2:533; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:195-196; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:147-148; al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 346-348; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:193; Ibn Sa’d, al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:51-53.
- 186. Tabari, op cit, pp. 34; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:195; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 53.
- 187. Some historians have set the date of this event prior to the Battle of Uhud, mentioned other reasons. Sayyid Ja’far Murtadha al-’Amili consents to this opinion. Al-Sahi min Sirat al-Nabi al-A’¨am 6:32-44.
- 188. Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:53; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:195; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:35; al-Waqidi, op cit, 1:352.
- 189. al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 352, 364.
- 190. al-Bayhaqi, op cit, pp. 335; al-Waqidi, op cit, 1:365-366; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 88.
- 191. Holy Qur’an 59:11; Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 10:264; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 20:165, 169.
- 192. Samhudi, op cit, 1:298.
- 193. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:199-203; Tabari, op cit, 3:36-39; al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 1:363-380; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf, pp. 339; Samhudi, Wafa' al-Wafa' 1:297-298.
- 194. Samhudi, op cit, pp. 299; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 201; al-Waqidi, op cit, 1:377; al-Majlisi, op cit, pp. 171-172.
- 195. Ibn ‘Abbas gives Surah al-Hashr the name of Surah Banu’l-Nadhir. See Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 10:258.
- 196. al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:343; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:65; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:224.
- 197. Muhammad Hasanayn Haykal, Hayat Muhammad, pp. 329.
- 198. They promised to pay the yield of dates of Khaybar to Ghatafan due to their alliance. See al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:343; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:44.
- 199. Tabari, op cit, 3:44; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:225.
- 200. Muhammad Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:66; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:443; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:197; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 20:197.
- 201. al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:343.
- 202. Ibn Sa’d, 62, pp. 66; Tabari, 63, pp. 46; Ibn Husham, 3, pp. 230; Samhudi, 1, pp. 301; al-Majlisi, 20, pp. 200.
- 203. al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:454.
- 204. Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 2:631.
- 205. Shaykh al-Mufid, al-Irshad, pp. 96; Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, 1:197.
- 206. Halabi, op cit 2:636; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:66.
- 207. al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 343; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 2, pp. 66; Tabari, op cit, 3:44; Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, 1:198; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 90; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 20:218.
- 208. According to Ibn Sa’d, it took them six days to dig the ditch. (Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:67). Muhammad Hamidullah, a contemporary researcher who has observed the battlefields of the Muslim wars closely, believes that the ditch was built in the shape of the letter N, being five and a half kilometers long (Rasul Akram dar Maydan Jang, pp. 113-114). The basis of this calculation has most probably been the fact that at the time of digging, all of the three thousand troops were divided in groups of ten individuals, and each group dug forty cubits (Tabari, op cit, 3:46; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:198). Each person had to dig four cubits, which was equal to six kilometers.
- 209. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:67; Tabari, op cit, 3:46; Halabi, op cit, 2:636.
- 210. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:66; Tabari, op cit, 3:46; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:231; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:200, Samhudi, op cit, 1:301.
- 211. al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 343; Muhammad Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:66; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:231; Tabari, op cit, 3:46; Samhudi, op cit, 1:301.
- 212. al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:343; Tabari, op cit, 3:48; Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:41; Halabi, op cit, 2:636, 657.
- 213. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:67; Halabi, op cit, 2:636-637
- 214. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 67; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:231; Tabari, op cit, 3:46-47; Samhudi, op cit, 1:303; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:200-201.
- 215. Samhudi, op cit, 1:304; Halabi, op cit, 2:647.
- 216. al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:347; al-Waqidi, 2, pp. 462-463; Tabari, op cit, 3:50; Samhudi, op cit, 1:302.
- 217. al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:460; Halabi, op cit, 2:636.
Abu-Bakr is reported to have said that during the Battle of the Allies and due to Banu-Quray¨ah’s treason, the danger of Banu-Quray¨ah on the lives of women and children inside Medina was greater than the danger of Quraysh and Ghatafan al-Waqidi, op cit, pp. 460.
- 218. The Holy Prophet is reported to have said, “War depends upon tactics.”
- 219. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:64; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:240; Tabari, op cit, 3:50-51; Halabi, op cit, 2:650; Samhudi, op cit, 1:304; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:207.
- 220. Muhammad Hamidullah, Rasul Akram dar Maydan Jang, pp. 128.
- 221. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:68; al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:470; Tabari, op cit, 3:48; Shaykh al-Mufid, al-Irshad; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:203.
- 222. At a place called Yalyal, ‘Amr, alone, fought a group of enemies. See Bihar al-Anwar 20:203.
Because he had been wounded at the Battle of Badr, he did not participate in the Battle of Uhud. See Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:235; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:48; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 2:181.
- 223. al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:470; Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah 13:291 and 19:63; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 20:203.
- 224. Ibn Abi’l-Hadid, op cit, 19:61; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:215.
- 225. al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:345; Muhammad Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:68; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:236; Tabari, op cit, 3:48; Samhudi, op cit, 1:303.
- 226. Al-Karajaki, Kanz al-Fawa'id 1:298; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 20:205-216.
- 227. Al-Hakim al-Naysaburi, al-Mustadrak ‘Ala’l-Sahihayn 3:32.
- 228. Al-Karajaki, op cit, pp. 299.
- 229. al-Buladhari, op cit, 1:345; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:71; Tabari, op cit, 3:51-52; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:198; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 92; Samhudi, op cit, 1:305; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:208-209.
- 230. Shaykh al-Mufid, al-Irshad, pp. 106; Sahih al-Bukhari 5:215; Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 8:345; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:209.
- 231. Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:42; al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:492; Ibn Husham al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:264; Tabari, op cit, 3:58; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:198.
The number of the martyrs of this war is reported to have been higher than this. See Muhammad Ibrahim Ayati, the History of the Prophet of Islam, pp. 372.
- 232. al-Waqidi, op cit, 2:496; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:265; Tabari, op cit, 3:59; Ibn Shahrashub, op cit, 1:198. Ya’qubi has recorded the number of martyrs as eight.(Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:42).
- 233. For further information concerning this war, refer to the following reference books: Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:74-78; Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:53-58; al-Maghazi 2:496-524; al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:244-261; Wafa' al-Wafa' 1:305-309; Bihar al-Anwar 20:233-238.
- 234. Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:256; Tabari, Tarikh al-Umam wa’l-Muluk 3:58.
The Holy Prophet sent another group to Damascus under the leadership of Sa’d ibn ‘Abadah. (al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:533). For further information about the Battle of the Allies and Banu-Quray¨ah, refer to al-Mizan fi Tafsir al-Qur'an 16:291-303.
- 235. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, pp. 327. The writer criticizes this verdict. Referring Banu-Quray¨ah's treason, he writes, “At the Battle of the Allies and the siege of Medina, the status of Muslims was extremely perilous and there was the danger of Banu-Quray¨ah’s joining the enemies. In that case, Muslim's conditions would have become even worse and the Islamic movement would have ceased for ever. They should have been treated kindly by Muhammad.” See Mustafa Husayni Tabataba’i, Treason in the Historical Accounts 3:164-165.
- 236. The secret reports of Banu-Quray¨ah show their extreme aggression and obstinacy. Although one of them, together with his wife and children, was pardoned by the Holy Prophet upon the request of some Muslims, he preferred death to stopping obstinacy! See Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:253-254.
- 237. al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:492.
- 238. The Old Testament, Book of Deuteronomy, Chapter 20. For further information about Sa’d’s judgment, see Ja’far Subhani, Furugh-e-Abadiyyat 2:154-157; Mustafa Tabataba’i, Treason in the Historical Accounts 3:161-173.
- 239. Sayyid Ja’far Shahidi, Tarikh Tahlili Islam ta Payan Umawiyyan, pp. 73-75.
- 240. Sayyid ‘Ali Mir Sharifi, A quick Look at the War of Banu-Quray¨ah.
- 241. Some historians, including al-Buladhari, al-Waqidi, and Muhammad Ibn Sa’d, reckon this war among the events of the firth year of Hegira. For this reason, they have put it before the Battle of the Allies. Some reasons confirm their position. See al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:302; Wafa' al-Wafa' 1:314.
- 242. For this reason, it is also called the Battle of Musayri’.
- 243. Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:302-308; Tabari, op cit, 3:63-66; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:281-290.
- 244. Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:308; Mufid, al-Irshad, pp. 118-119; Ibn Shahrashub, Manaqib 1:201.
- 245. Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:307-308; al-Waqidi, op cit, 1:411; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 94. In some other historical records, there is another account of this marriage.
- 246. When Quraysh stopped the entrance of Muslims to Mecca, a great man of Mecca, named Hulays ibn ‘Alqamah, threatened that if they continued in this way, he would mobilize his tribe against them. See Ibn Husham, Al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:326; Tarikh al-Tabari 3:75; Muhammad Ibn Sa’d, Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:96; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 2:696.
- 247. Shaykh al-Kulayni, al-Rawdhah min al-Kafi, pp. 322. The number of the Holy Prophet’s companions is said to have been seven hundred, or one thousand and three hundred, or four hundred and twenty-five, or six hundred. See al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 2:689; al-Maghazi 2:614; Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:95, 98; Tarikh al-Tabari 3:72; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:332; Majma’ al-Bayan 9:110.
- 248. al-Maghazi 2:602.
- 249. Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 330; Tabari, op cit, pp. 78; Ibn Sa’d, op cit, pp. 97, 99; al-Buladhari, Ansab al-Ashraf 1:350; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 96.
- 250. The Holy Qur'an reads,
“Certainly Allah was well pleased with the believers when they swore allegiance to you under the tree, and He knew what was in their hearts, so He sent down tranquility on them and rewarded them with a near victory. (48:18)”
- 251. Tabari, op cit, pp. 78; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 331.
- 252. On the basis of this paragraph, the Holy Prophet and Muslims had to perform the ‘Umrah ceremony in the seventh year of Hegira. It is thus called ‘Umrat al-Qadha'.
- 253. The tribe of Khuza’ah announced paid homage to the Muslims; while Banu-Bakr convened a contract with Quraysh.
- 254. Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 97; al-Buladhari, op cit, pp. 350-351; Ibn Husham, op cit, pp. 332; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 97; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 20:352; and see Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra 2:97, 101, 102.
- 255. Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 97; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah, 2:77; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 20:350, 352.
- 256. Tabarsi, Majma’ al-Bayan 9:118; al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:334, 350.
For further information regarding the Hudaybiyah Truce, see Ahmad Miyanji, Makatib al-Rasul 1:275, 287; Muhammad Hamidullah, Watha’iq, pp. 66, 68.
- 257. Nazr ibn Muzahim, Waq’at Siffin, pp. 508-509; Tabarsi, op cit, pp. 97; Ibn Wadhih, Tarikh al-Ya’qubi 2:179; al-Daynawari, al-Akhbar al-Tiwal, pp. 194; Ibn al-Athir, al-Kamil fi’l-Tarikh 3:32; Halabi, op cit, pp. 708.
- 258. al-Majlisi, op cit, 20:350.
- 259. al-Waqidi, al-Maghazi 2:607; Ibn Husham, al-Sirah al-Nabawiyyah 3:331; Tarikh al-Tabari 3:97; Halabi, al-Sirah al-Halabiyyah 2:706. The explicit opposition of some Muslims to the Holy Prophet's resolution was a sign of obstinacy on their part towards him. This issue was repeated several times by some of them and this was the source of many bitter events in the history of Islam. This is in contrast with the view that Muslims should be obedient to God's commands. God says in this regard: “And it behooves not a believing man and a believing woman that they should have any choice in their matter when Allah and His Apostle have decided a matter; and whoever disobeys Allah and His Apostle, he surely strays off a manifest straying.” (Qur’an 33:36)
- 260. Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:336; Tabari, op cit, 3:81; Halabi, op cit, 2:721.
- 261. Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 98; al-Majlisi, Bihar al-Anwar 20:363.
- 262. Ibn Sa’d, op cit, 2:104, 105; Ibn Husham, op cit, 3:334; Tabarsi, I’lam al-Wara, pp. 98; Halabi, op cit, pp. 714.
- 263. “Surely, we have given to you a clear victory. (48:1)